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edieval Pope Prophecies 
IS nequam Group 



he Pope rfopnecies consi 
medieval "bestseller." Among 
influential and fascinating prophecies produced 
m the West, they captivated readers and view- 
ers for more than three centuries, and the 
Genus nequam group is their earliest manifes- 
tation. The gathering of fifteen prophecies 
describes the progress of the Church from 
Nicholas III (1277-1280) to the final angeHc 
pontiff and includes depictions of Martin IV 
(1281-1285), Hononiis IV (1285-1287), Cel- 
estine V (July-December 1294), Boniface VIII 
(1294-1303), Benedict XI (1303-1304), and 
Clement V (1305-1314), all in an attempt to 
interpret the events of the times within a 
larger framework of meaning. 

Offering as it does an examination of the 
rhetonc of eschatology, this long-needed criti- 
cal edition of the Genus nequam group will be 
indispensable for a large audience of medieval 
and Renaissance scholars in the fields of his- 
tory, literature, art history, and religion. 



The Late Medieval Pope Prophecies: 

The Genus nequam Group 



Medieval and Renaissance 
Texts and Studies 



Volume 2 4 




The Late Medieval Pope Prophecies 

The Genus nequam Group 



Edited by 
Martha H. Fleming 



Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies 

Tempe, Arizona 

1999 



© Copyright 1999 
Arizona Board of Regents for Arizona State University 

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 

The late medieval Pope prophecies : the Genus nequam group / edited by 
Martha H. Fleming. 

p. cm. — (Medieval & Renaissance texts & studies ; v. 204) 
Includes bibliographical references and index. 
ISBN 0-86698-246-9 (alk. paper) 

1. Popes — Prophecies — Manuscripts. I. Fleming, Martha H. II. Series: 
Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies (Series) ; v. 204. 
BX958.P75L38 1999 

262'.13-dc21 99-39578 

CIP 



This book is made to last. 

It is set in Bembo, 

smythe-sewn and printed on acid-free paper 

to library specifications. 



Printed in the United States of America 



Table of Contents 



Acknowledgements vii 

List of Abbreviations viii 

List of Illustrations ix 

Introduction 

The Prophecies 1 

General Principles 12 

Archetype and Copy Text: Text and Image 18 

Relation of Manuscripts 27 
Description of Manuscripts 

A. Vatican Library, MS Vat. lat. 3822, fols. 6^ 5^ 40 

C. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 404, fols. 88^-95^ 44 

D. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 88, fols. 140^-146^ 51 
F. Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 1222B, fols. V-S'' 56 
L. Lunel, Bibliotheque de Louis Medard a la Bibliotheque 

Municipale, MS 7, fols. 4^-19^ 22^ 62 
M. Yale, University Library, T. E. Marston MS 225, 

fols. 15^-22'^ 70 

N. Paris, Archives Nationales, MS JJ 28, fols. 285'-29r 78 
P. Monreale, Biblioteca Comunale, MS XXV.F.17, 

fols. r-17' 80 

V. Vatican Library, MS Vat. lat. 3819, fols. 147^-149' 87 

The Picture Tradition 94 

Figures 1-21 115 

Bibliography: Works Cited 137 

The Genus nequam Prophecies 148 

Notes to the Edition 189 

Index 201 



Acknowledgements 

This book has been a long time in the making. I wish to thank Harold 
Lee, Morton Bloomfield, and Bernard McGinn for support and encourage- 
ment early on. I thank my colleagues at the University at Albany, SUNY: 
Mary Beth Winn and John Monfasani, John in particular for all his help on 
matters paleographical. I am indebted to Robert E. Lemer for his meticu- 
lous reading of an earlier version of this work, for bibliographic pointers, 
and helpful suggestions regarding the manuscript at various stages. Above 
all, I thank Marjorie Reeves for her wise advice and her helpful and 
generous-spirited reading of numerous drafts. I owe her a great deal. 

I owe a debt to numerous institutions and organizations for the use of 
their research faciUties and to all the librarians who supplied me with 
photocopies, microfilms, photographs, and information. I am grateful to 
them all, as I trust acknowledgements elsewhere in this book will demon- 
strate. I thank too the editors at Medieval and Renaissance Texts and 
Studies (MRTS) who helped turn manuscript into book. 

I had support for this research in the form of fellowships and awards 
firom the Newberry Library, the National Endowment for the Humanities, 
Union College, the University at Albany, SUNY, and United University 
Professions. A National Endowment for the Humanities Summer Seminar 
at Cornell, directed by Robert G. Calkins, opened my eyes to new ways of 
looking at manuscript illumination. Thanks too go to my family, Jim and 
Matthew, and to my mother, Ella M. H. Hitchcock, to whose memory this 
book is dedicated. 



List of Abbreviations 



AFH Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 

HJ Historisches Jahrbuch 

MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica 

NA Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft fur dltere deutsche Geschichtskunde 

PG Patrologiae cursus completus . . . series ^raeca, ed. J. -P. Migne 
(Paris, 1857-1876) 

ZRVI Zbomik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta 



List of Illustrations 

Figure 1: Vaticinium I: pope, bear, and nursing cubs. Oxford, Bodleian 
Library, MS Douce 88, fol. 140^ Reproduced with permission 
of the Bodleian Library, Oxford. 

Figure 2: Vaticinium II: pope, serpents, and birds. Cambridge, Corpus 
Christi College, MS 404, fol. 88''. Reproduced with permis- 
sion of the Master and Fellows of Corpus Christi College, 
Cambridge. 

Figure 3: Vaticinium II: pope, tree with birds and serpent, kneeling fig- 
ure. Yale, University Library, T. E. Marston MS 225, fol. IS''. 
Reproduced with permission of the Beinecke Library, Yale 
University. 

Figure 4: Vaticinium II: (lower register) pope, bird on standard, dragon. 
Vatican Library, MS Vat. lat. 3819, fol. 147^ Reproduced 
with permission of the Biblioteca Vaticana. 

Figure 5: Vaticinium IV: vessel or font and head. Florence, Biblioteca 
Riccardiana, MS 1222B, fol. 2''. Reproduced with permission 
of the Biblioteca Riccardiana, Florence — Ricc.l222.B. 

Figure 6: Vaticinia IV-V: sickle-bearer. Cambridge, Corpus Christi Col- 
lege, MS 404, fol. 89^^. Reproduced with permission of the 
Master and Fellows of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. 

Figure 7: Vaticinium IV: columns, heads, scimitar. Yale, University Li- 
brary, T. E. Marston MS 225, fol. 16^. Reproduced with per- 
mission of the Beinecke Library, Yale University. 

Figure 8: Vaticinium V: sickle-bearer (monk with cowl, small figure). Yale, 
University Library, T. E. Marston 225, fol. 17^ Reproduced 
with permission of the Beinecke Library, Yale University. 

Figure 9: Vaticinium V: sickle-bearer (pope). Pasquilino Regiselmo, Vati- 
cinia sive Prophetiae Abbatis Joachimi et Anselmi Episcopi Marsicani 
(Venice, 1589), unpaged, Vaticinium XX. 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 



Figure 10: Vaticinium VIII: cityscape or fortress under siege. Florence, 
Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 1222B, fol. 4''. Reproduced with 
permission of the BibUoteca Riccardiana, Florence — Rice. 
1222.B. 

Figure 11: Vaticinium VIII: (third register) arches (fortress) with soldiers. 
Vatican Library, MS Vat. lat. 3819, fol. 148^ Reproduced 
with permission of the Biblioteca Vaticana. 

Figure 12: Vaticinium IX: pope, crossed standards or banners, fox. Mon- 
-reale, Biblioteca Comunale, MS XXV.F.17, fol. 10^ Repro- 
duced with permission of the Biblioteca Comunale di Monreale. 

Figure 13: Vaticinium X: empty throne. Cambridge, Corpus Christi Col- 
lege, MS 404, fol. 92^ Reproduced with permission of the 
Master and Fellows of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. 

Figure 14: Vaticinium XI: figure on rock (hermit summoned forth). Yale, 
University Library, T. E. Marston 225, fol. 20^ Reproduced 
with permission of the Beinecke Library, Yale University. 

Figure 15: Vaticinium XI: figure on sarcophagus (hermit summoned forth). 
Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 88, fol. U4\ Repro- 
duced with permission of the Bodleian Library, Oxford. 

Figure 16: Vaticinium XI: naked figure emerging firom rock (hermit sum- 
moned forth). Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 1222B, 
fol. 6\ Reproduced with permission of the Biblioteca Riccar- 
diana, Florence — Rice. 1 222. B. 

Figure 17: Vaticinium XI: seated figure (hermit summoned forth). Mon- 
reale, Biblioteca Comunale, MS XXV.F.17, fol. 12^ Repro- 
duced with permission of the Biblioteca Comunale di Monreale. 

Figure 18: Vaticinium XII: angel holding papal tiara bom aloft by animals. 
Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 404, fol. 93^ Repro- 
duced by permission of the Master and Fellows of Corpus 
Christi College, Cambridge. 

Figure 19: Vaticinium XII: angel holding papal tiara, sarcophagus, arcs with 
animal heads. Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 1222B, 
fol. 6^. Reproduced with permission of the BibHoteca Riccar- 
diana, Florence — Rice. 1 222. B. 

Figure 20: Vaticinium XV: pope, beast with human face. Florence, BibHo- 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATION S XI 

teca Riccardiana, MS 1222B, fol. 8^ Reproduced with per- 
mission of the Bibhoteca Riccardiana, Florence — Ricc.l222.B. 

Figure 21: Vaticinium XV: pope, beast with human face. Pasquihno Regi- 
selmo, Vaticinia sive Prophetiae Abbatis Joachimi et Anselmi Epis- 
copi Marsicani (Venice, 1589), unpaged, Vaticinium XXX. 

Pictures I— XVI: Vaticinia I— XVI. Lunel, BibHotheque de Louis Medard a la 
Bibliotheque Municipale, MS 7, fols. 4-22^. Reproduced with 
permission of the BibHotheque Louis Medard a la BibHotheque 
municipale de la ville de Lunel. 



INTRODUCTION 



The Prophecies 

The Genus nequam prophecies^ are the earliest group of late medieval 
Latin pope prophecies that describe the progress of the Church from 
Nicholas III (1277-1280) to the final pontiff. Besides Nicholas and the last 
angeUc pope, in these fifteen prophecies we see depicted Martin IV (1281- 
1285), Honorius IV (1285-1287), Nicholas IV (1288-1292), Celestine V 
(July-December 1294), Boniface VIII (1294-1303), and Benedict XI 
(1303-1 304). 2 

The prophecies, ascribed to Joachim of Fiore but linked historically 
with the fortunes of the Italian Spiritual Franciscans in the late thirteenth 
century, were an attempt to interpret the events of the times within a larger 
framework of meaning, one provided by the rhetoric of eschatology. Mar- 
jorie Reeves and others suggest that the prophecies were intended as a 
vehicle of both propaganda and reform, concluding that the authors not 
only wished to influence the outcome of contemporary events including 



' The early work on these prophecies was done by Herbert Grundmann, "Die Papstpro- 
phetien des Mittelalters," Archiufiir Kukurgeschichte 19 (1929): 77-138, reprinted in Ausgewdhlte 
Aufsdtze, 2: Joachim von Fiore, MGH, Schriften 25, 2 (Hanover, 1977), 1-57; Marjorie Reeves, 
The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages (Oxford, 1969), 393-462; eadem, "Some Popular 
Prophecies from the Fourteenth to the Seventeenth Centuries," in Popular Belief and Practice^ 
G. J. Cuming and Derek Baker, eds.. Studies in Church History 8 (1972), 107-134. More recent 
studies include Bernard McGinn, "Angel Pope and Papal Antichrist," Church History 47 (1978): 
115-173, and " 'Pastor Angelicus': Apocalyptic Myth and PoUtical Hope in the Fourteenth 
Century," a paper presented in Assisi, October 1987, and reprinted in Santi e santith nel secolo 
XIV, 221-251 (Perugia, 1989); and Robert E. Lerner, "Ursprung, Verbreitung und Ausstrahlung 
der Papstprophetien des Mittelalters" in Robert E. Lerner and Robert Moynihan, Weissagungen 
iiher die Pdpste: Vat. Ross. 374 (Stuttgart, 1985); also Lerner, "On the Origins of the Earliest 
Latin Pope Prophecies: A Reconsideration," Fdlschungcn im Mittelalter, MGH, Schriften 33, 5 
(Hanover, 1988), 611-635. 

- There is some disagreement on this point. Robert E. Lerner maintains, and Bernard 
McGinn agrees, that in the early form there was no reference to Benedict XL I won't rehearse 
the arguments here, but see McGinn, " 'Pastor Angelicus'," 235, and Lerner, Weissagungen iiher 
die Pdpste, 33; see also below n. 36. 



INTRODUCTION 



perhaps the papal election of 1304, but also wished to inspire a reform and 
renovatio in a larger context — that of the church and society as a whole. -^ 

Bernard McGinn calls the pope prophecies a new literary genre. "^ 
Certainly it was a genre which quickly became a "best seller," as the range 
of nine extant manuscripts indicates: they are of Italian, French, English, 
and possibly German provenance. In an expanded verson of thirty pro- 
phecies, they appear in numerous manuscripts of the later fourteenth and 
fifteenth centuries and in a substantial number of printed editions of the 
Renaissance. Moreover they were widely imitated. 

There are other indications of the prophecies' popularity and influence, 
as can be seen by examining some of the references to these prophecies in 
the first two decades of the fourteenth century. One of the first expHcit 
references to the Genus nequam prophecies is that by Francesco Pipini who 
was working on his chronicle as late as 1317.'' He refers to the first nine 
prophecies only (although describing only eight of them, omitting number 
eight), associating the prophecies with popes beginning with Nicholas III 
and ending with Clement V. 

Another witness, Hugh of Novocastro in his Tractatus de Victoria Christi 
contra Antichristum (1314—1316), makes reference to this group of prophe- 
cies, although not by the incipit, Genus nequam/' His interest is in the group 
of prophecies following that for Clement V and particularly in the final five 
units of the set, and he counts seven popes between Clement V and the 
terrible beast. 

The evidence of a third witness, Bernard Delicieux, is of even greater 
interest. He also seems to have possessed a libellus containing the Genus 
nequam prophecies. At the time of his arrest in 1317, as Reeves and others 
have noted, Delicieux spoke of a "papalarius," i.e., a set of papal prophe- 
cies, attributed by him to Joachirh of Fiore, "in which past and future 



' Reeves, Irijluence of Prophecy, 401-403. 

"* Bernard McGinn, Visions of the End: Apocalyptic Traditions in the Middle Ages (New York, 
1979), 188. 

^ Francesco Pipini, Chronicon, in L. Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, OS 9 (Milan, 1721), 
cols. 724, 726, 727, 728, 736, 741, 747, 751. Pipini was writing some time before 1317 (for 
dating, see Lerner, "On the Origins," 620, n. 21). 

^' Hugh of Novocastro, Tractatus de victoria Christi contra Antichristum (Nuremberg, 1471, un- 
paginated). Lib. II. cap. 28. See Reeves, "Some Popular Prophecies," 116 and Lerner, "On the 
Origins," 623, n. 27; Robert Lerner, 77ie Powers of Prophecy: 77ie Cedar of Lebanon Vision from the 
Mongol Onslaught to the Dawn of Enlightenment (Berkeley, 1983), 55-56, n. 36. dates the Tractatus 
to 1315. The Tractatus reads: "... libello in quo Romanorum Pontificum figure describuntur ab 
ultimo pontifice qui obiit A.d. MCCCXIIII usque ad nudum pontificem renuentemque coro- 
nam dignitatis pontificalis, et consequenter usque ad bestiam, nonnissi pauci, vii videlicet, inter- 
medii fieri computantur." 



THE PROPHECIES 



popes were represented in pictures."^ Alan Friedlander in his recent work 
on Delicieux has brought to Hght the testimony of two witnesses, Raimond 
Curti and Amaude de Nogarede, testimony which confirms that this "papa- 
larius" was indeed the Genus nequam sequence.^ 

By the mid-fourteenth century, the Genus nequam prophecies were 
circulating widely. By this time references to the prophecies were often 
included with — or on occasion conflated with — references to the Horoscopus 
and the Liber de Flore and their respective commentaries, by, for instance. 
Gentile of Foligno in 1345'^ and the Franciscan Joachite, John of Roque- 
taillade, in 1356.^" 

The Horoscopus is dated to 1303-1304 and the commentary to ca. 1307, 
and it traces the papacy from Nicholas 111 through a future angelic pope.^^ 
The commentary on the Horoscopus has been studied in some detail by 
Robert Lemer in his quest to identify the compiler of the Genus nequam 
prophecies as one Rabanus Anglicus: the commentary identifies Rabanus 
Anglicus with the Genus nequam prophecies, citing Rabanus, along with 
Cyril, Joachim, and Hildegard, as privileged sources of revelation. As Lemer 
has put it, quoting in part from the commentary, "... the prophetic truth 
communicated to Rabanus was 'the progress of the church as seen in the 
figures of the Roman popes from Nicholas III to the final pontiff,' a patent 
description of the earliest Latin pope prophecies. "^^ 

The Liber de Flore, known also as the Liber de Flore sive de summis 



^ Reeves, "Some Popular Prophecies," 117. On Delicieux, see Michel de Dmitrewski, "Fr. 
Bernard Delicieux, O.F.M., sa lutte contra I'lnquisition de Carcassonne et d'Albi, son proces, 
1297-1319," AFH 17 (1924): 183-218, 313-337, 457-488, 18 (1925): 3-22; and more recendy 
Alan Friedlander, "Jean XXII et les Spirituels: le cas de Bernard Delicieux," in La papaute 
d' Avignon et Je Languedoc i3i6r-i342, Cahiers de Fanjeaux 26 (Toulouse, 1991), 221-236. 

^ Friedlander, "Delicieux," 228-230 citing B.N. Lat. 4270, fols. 260^-26r. See also Orit 
Schwartz and Robert E. Lemer, "Illuminated Propaganda: The Origins of the Ascende calve Pope 
Prophecies, ">Mma/ of Medieval History 20 (1994): 157-191, here 183, notes 46 and 47 for preci- 
sions on the way his copy looked. 

'^ A commentary on the prophecy "Ve mundo in centum annis," ascribed to a Gentile of 
FoUgno, links or conflates the Genus nequam prophecies with the prophecies of a sequence of 
angelic popes in the Liber de Flore: for this text see Heinrich Finke, Aus den Tagen Bonijaz VIII 
(Miinster, 1902), 220-221, n. 12; also Reeves, InJIuence of Prophecy, 252-253. 

'"Jean de Roquetaillade, Liber Ostensor, Vat. Ross. MS lat. 753, fols. 52^, 78^, quotes from 
both the Uber de Flore and the Genus nequam prophecies. On Roquetaillade, see also Jeanne 
Bignami-Odier, Etudes sur Jean de Roquetaillade (Paris, 1952), 142-156, 243-244; for revised 
edition see Histoire litteraire de la France vol. 41 (Paris, 1981), 75-284. For the most recent work, 
see Johannes de Rupescissa, Liber secretorum cventuum, ed. and trans, (into French) by Christine 
Morerod-Fattebert, Historical Introduction by Robert E. Lerner (Freiburg, 1994). 

" Lemer, "On the Origins," 624, n. 31. 

^" Lemer, "On the Origins," 635; see also 629-630, n. 44 for connections between this 
commentary and Arnold of Villanova. 



INTRODUCTION 



pontificibus, consists apparently of a base text and a commentary designed to 
explain it.'-^ It has been assumed that the author of the text knew the 
Genus nequam prophecies, as it begins with descriptions of historical popes 
(with Gregory IX, 1227-1241, rather than with Nicholas III as do the 
Genus nequam prophecies). The Liber de Flore, however, quotes only from 
prophecies eleven and twelve of the Genus nequam group (referring to the 
first of the angeUc popes) J "^ In addition, there are references to Martin IV 
as the "man of blood" and the identification of Nicholas III with the words 
"Principium malorum," both references thought to be to the Genus nequam 
prophecies. What distinguishes the Liber de Flore from the Genus nequam 
prophecies is the political program identified in the descriptions of the 
angelic pope and his three successors. ^^ 

Despite the manifest importance of these prophecies, they have never 
been edited. For a long time they were known to scholars from the pio- 
neering work of Herbert Grundrnann and later of Marjorie Reeves under 
the title Vaticinia de summis pontificibus or Pope Prophecies. Now we 
recognize that this title, in fact, signified three quite diflferent productions. 

The earliest version of pope prophecies {Inc. Genus nequam), probably 
circulating ca. 1304, consisted of fifteen pictures with accompanying texts 
and captions or mottoes — picture, text, and caption together constituting 
each "prophecy." The fifteen units describe a series of popes, beginning 
with Nicholas III (1277-1280). In its early form, the post eventum series 
continued certainly through Boniface VIII (1294-1303) and possibly 
through Benedict XI (1303—1304). The final five units, that is, eleven 
through fifteen, describe the coming of an angelic pope, the progress of his 
papacy and/or those of his three successors. Text arid image alike were 
subject to continual emendation and change. This set of fifteen prophecies 
was ascribed in the fourteenth century rriost frequently, although quite 
erroneously, to Joachim of Fiore, and, until recent challenges, was thought 
to have been put together by someone within a group of Franciscan Spiri- 



^^ For a partial edition of the text, see Herbert Grundrnann, " 'Liber de Flore.' Eine Schrift 
der Franziskaner-Spiritualen aus dem Anfang des 14. Jahrhunderts," HJ 49 (1929): 33-91; see 
more recently McGinn, " 'Pastor Angelicus'," 239-246. The copy of the Liher de Flore I have 
consulted is Nuremberg, Stadtbibliothek, MS Cent. IV.32, fols. 46-70". For other manuscript 
copies of the Liher de Flore, see McGinn, " 'Pastor Angelicus'," 239, n. 351. 

'* Nuremberg, StadtbibUothek, MS Cent. IV.32, fols. 57^ 59\ 

'^ See McGinn, " 'Pastor Angelicus'," 242-246 for discussion of this program. As McGinn 
and others note, the work that gave the widest possible distribution of this sequence of 
prophecies was the Liher de magttis trihulationihus et de statu ecclesiae ascribed to Telesphorus of 
Cosenza. For bibliography on Telesphorus, see McGinn, " 'Pastor Angelicus'," 249, n. 84. 



THE PROPHECIES 



tuals in Perugia ca. 1304.'^' It had its origins in the so-called Leo Oracles, 
a series of prophecies concerning the fortunes of the Byzantine empire in 
the twelfth century, the central feature of which was the portrayal of a 
savior-emperor who would restore unity to the empire J ^ 

Sometime in the mid-fourteenth century, perhaps as early as ca. 1328, 
a second set of pope prophecies appeared {Inc. Ascende calve), in the same 
format as the first. ^" This set began as well with Nicholas III but ended 
with an image of the dragon of the Apocalypse, and, as a discrete set, seems 
to have had more limited circulation than the earlier set, as well as a more 
overtly "propagandistic intention. "^'^ Recent research has demonstrated 
the close connection between several manuscripts of the Genus nequam 
group with the Ascende calve prophecies.^^' By the first quarter of the fif- 
teenth century at the latest, the two sets were joined.^^ The second set 
came first, typically ending with an image of the Antichrist. The earlier set 
now constituted prophecies sixteen through thirty in the combined edition. 
It is in this form that the prophecies were known in the many fifteenth- 
century manuscript copies and in the sixteenth-century printed editions. ^^ 



^^ Reeves, "Some Popular Prophecies," 107, and n. 2. Recendy both authorship and dating 
were challenged by Robert Lerner, "On the Origins," (see above n. 1); for further discussion see 
Marjorie Reeves, "The Vaticinia de Smnmis Pontificihus: A Question of Authority" [for "Author- 
ship"] in Intellectual Life in the Middle Ages: Essays Presented to Margaret Gibson, Lesley Smith and 
Benedicta Ward, eds. (London, 1992), 145-156; the work of Andreas Rehberg as well as that 
of Helene Millet and Dominique Rigaux (see below n. 23); Robert E. Lerner, "Recent Work 
on the Origins of the Genus nequam Prophecies," Florensia: Bollettino del Centro Intemazionale di 
Studi Gioachimiti 7 (1993): 141-157. 

^^ For the Oracles, see the edition by P. Lambecius in PG, ed. J. -P. Migne (Paris, 1857- 
1876), 107:1121-1168; See also Grundmann, "Die Papstprophetien," 107; Cyril Mango, "The 
Legend of Leo the Wise," ZRVI 6 (1960): 59-63; Paul Alexander, The Byzantine Apocalyptic 
Tradition, ed. Dorothy deF. Abrahamse (Berkeley, 1985); Antonio Rigo, Oracula Leonis: Tre 
manoscritti greco-ueneziani degli oracoli attrihuiti all' imperatore hizantino Leone il Saggio (Bodl. Baroc. 
no, Marc. gr. VII. 22, Marc. gr. VII. 3) (Venice, 1988); most recendy the as yet unpublished edi- 
tion of the Leo Oracles which has been prepared by Dr. Jeanne Basquin-Vereecken of Ghent. 
Although the Leo Oracles MSS as we have them postdate the Latin pope prophecy MSS, the 
Oracles existed in the late twelfth century, as they were known to Nicetas Choniates. The ques- 
tion of how the East-to-West transmission took place remains a puzzle. 

^" On dating, see Reeves, "Some Popular Prophecies," 117-118; Lerner, Powers of Prophecy, 
96-97, n. 28; on the prophecies, see Lerner, Weissagutigen; also Helene Millet and Dominique 
Rigaux, "Ascende calve: Quand I'historien joue au prophete," Studi MedievaU 33 (1992): 695-720 
and "Un puzzle prophetique dans le manuscrit 6213 de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid," Revue 
Mahillon n.s. 3 (=64) (1992): 139-177; Schwartz and Lerner, "Illuminated Propaganda." who 
argue "they were created between c.1318 and c.1340, more likely between 1328 and 1330," 
157. 

^'^ Schwartz and Lerner, "Illuminated Propaganda," 170-178. 

^" Schwartz and Lerner, "lUuminated Propaganda," 178-182. 

-^ Lerner, IVeissagungen, dates the combined version to the pontificate ofjohn XXIII (1410- 
1415), but see also Reeves, "Some Popular Prophecies," 119. 

^^ Pasqualino Regisehno, Vaticinia sivc Prophetiae Ahhatis Joachimi et Anselmi Episcopi Marsicani 



INTRODUCTION 



The full history of these prophecies has yet to be written, but its outHne 
is beginning to take shape. Robert Lemer argues that the time has come to 
reserve the name Vaticinia de summis pontificibus for the full set of thirty 
prophecies and that the title "Pope Prophecies" may not be appropriate for 
the first set usually known by that name, suggesting that this set might best 
be known by the incipit of the first prophecy, Genus nequam. That this 
group of prophecies did become identified with a series of popes is uncon- 
tested; however, recent research by Andreas Rehberg as well as by Helene 
Millet and Dominique Rigaux also makes it clear that a very early version, 
perhaps the .earliest, of the Genus nequam prophecies referred to a series of 
cardinals rather than to a series of popes.^^ The number of units in this 
version remains open to question; however, the work of Rehberg, Millet 
and Rigaux, and most recently Samantha Kelly, makes it clear that the first 
six or eight units of the Genus nequam prophecies were in circulation possi- 
bly as early as 1287 but certainly by 1292.^"^ Thus arises the problem of 
nomenclature. The first six or eight prophecies of the Genus nequam group 
had a life as cardinal prophecies and a life as pope prophecies, as well as a 
common history in their relation to the Byzantine Leo Oracles. It seems 
useful therefore to distinguish between the cardinal prophecies and the 
pope prophecies, and, among the pope prophecies, to distinguish three sets: 
the Genus nequam prophecies, the Ascende calve prophecies, and the com- 
bined set, the Vatinicina de summis pontificibus. The Genus nequam set alone 
remains unedited. 

Questions of authorship, authorial intention, and dating raise vexing 
issues. Until recently the creation or compilation of the prophecies was 
connected to the activities of the Italian Spiritual Franciscans and their 
attempt to influence the outcome of the papal election of 1304. Recent 



(Venice, 1589; repr. Leipzig, 1972), unpaged in Latin and Italian. In this edition, the earlier 
fifteen prophecies, circulating ca. 1304, and which here are numbered 16-30, are attributed to 
the mythical bishop Anselm of Marsico, and the later set, composed mid-fourteenth century, and 
here numbered 1-15, are ascribed to Joachim of Fiore. 

^•^ Andreas Rehberg, "Der 'Kardinalsorakel'-Kommentar in der 'Colonna'-Handschrift Vat. 
lat. 3819 und die Entstehungsumstande der Papstvatizinien," Fhrensia: Bollettitto del Centra 
Intemazionak di Studi Gioachimiti 5 (1991): 45-112, here 50-58; Helene Millet and Dominique 
Rigaux, "Aux origines du succes des Vaticinia de summis pontificibus," in Fin du monde et signes des 
temps: visionnaires et prophetes en France meridionak (fin XllP-dehut XP* siecle), Cahiers de Fanjeaux 
27 (Toulouse, 1992), 129-156, here 144. 

^^ Rehberg dates the commentary to the first half of 1287 and a revision to ca. 1297 (" 'Kar- 
dinalsorakel'," 70-81); Millet and Rigaux date the commentary to 1285-1287 ("Aux origines," 
143-144). See also Lemer, "Recent Work," 149-156. For the 1292 date, see Samantha Kelly, 
"The Visio Fratris Johannis: Prophecy and Politics in Late-Thirteenth-Century Italy," Fhrensia: 
Bollettino del Centra Intemazionak di Studi Gioachimiti 8-9 (1994-1995): 7-42. 



THE PROPHECIES 



research however would appear to push back the date to at least 1292 and 
possibly earUer, and, in addition, to call into question previously held as- 
sumptions about authorship and intention.^^ 

It is Samantha Kelly's work on the Visio Fratris Johannis that estabUshes 
the 1292 date. She has demonstrated close connections between the Visio 
and the first eight units of the Genus nequam prophecies, and if she is 
correct in dating the Visio to the summer of 1292, the Genus nequam 
prophecies, in some form, must have been in circulation by that time.^^ 
The prophecies might then have been created or compiled immediately 
after the death of Nicholas IV in April of 1292, during what was to turn 
out to be an interregnum of twenty-seven months, or, more likely, some 
time during the pontificate of Nicholas IV (1288-1292). 

The chief difficulty regarding dating and authorship stems firom the 
relationship between the cardinal prophecies and the early versions of the 
pope prophecies. The existence of the cardinal prophecies as a separate 
group depends on the evidence of the commentary on these prophecies 
identified by Rehberg and MiUet and Rigaux.^^ The commentary quotes 
firom these prophecies and explicates the text, making it clear that at least 
the first six units of the Genus nequam prophecies were not originally 
designed to be pope prophecies, "... and that the first six units were 
originally meant to apply to five Orsini cardinals." The commentary appears 
in a Vatican manuscript (Vat. lat. 3819) dated by Rehberg to 1331-1334, 
and follows a copy of the full fifteen units of the Genus nequam prophecies, 
separated only by a short prophetic text apparently unconnected to the 
Genus nequam prophecies, and by a list of popes from Nicholas III to John 
XXII. Lemer makes the point, well worth re-stating: "It must be empha- 
sized that the text of the prophecies copied in [this Vatican manuscript] is 
different firom the text used as a basis for the commentary, the latter repre- 
senting an early level in the transmission, the former a later one."^^ Lemer 
dates the commentary to sometime between 1280 and early 1305, Rehberg 
to between 1285 and 1287.^^^ (Rehberg also suggests a revised and an 
unrevised version of the commentary.) Lemer also argues that the "... 
prophecies were invented in Italy by an enemy of the Orsini family who 
was well-informed about curial poUtics."-^" 



^^ See above n. 16. 

26 KeUy, "Visio." 24-26. 

2^ See above n. 23. 

28 Lemer, "Recent Work," 147. n. 14. 

2' Lemer, "Recent Work," 149-156. 

3" Lemer. "Recent Work." 155. 



8 INTRODUCTION 



Now comes the rub. The Genus nequam prophecies exist in nine extant 
manuscripts. One of these, among the earliest/^^ records the text of the 
first eight units only; in the adjacent space are either directions to the 
painter of the miniatures (never executed) or brief descriptions of the mini- 
atures in the exemplar. The question remains: did the "inventor" of the 
cardinal prophecies have before him a series of six units, of eight units, or 
of fifteen units? Analysis of textual and iconographic evidence (as will be 
discussed in some detail below) suggests close connections between three of 
the extant copies of the Genus nequam prophecies (that in the Vatican 
manuscript noted above and the version recorded in two English manu- 
scripts)'^^ and the text of cardinal prophecies, as it is represented in the 
commentary; but questions do remain. Much hinges on the assumption that 
the original intention of the creator of the Genus nequam prophecies 
coincides with that of the interpreter in the cardinal or Orsini commentary. 
It is on the basis of this assumption that Rehberg as well as Millet and 
Rigaux argue that the original version of the prophecies must have been 
only eight units long (as represented by the Vatican manuscript), an 
argument reinforced by the work of Kelly.^-^ 

Lemer, on the other hand, argues that the earUest version must be closer 
to that represented in the two English manuscripts (i.e., fourteen/fifteen 
units), and that the Vatican scribe simply ran out of space. The other possi- 
bility is of course that the compiler of the version represented by the two 
English manuscripts returned to the Leo Oracles for further inspiration, a 
scenario Lemer finds unlikely.-^"^ 

It remains clear, however, that the version of the prophecies referred to 
in the commentary is not always the closest to that of the Leo Oracles.-^'' 
The arguments then, are strong, if not conclusive, that the first version of 
the Genus nequam prophecies must have been fourteen or fifteen units long, 
with a cumulative effect, however, that must have been different fi-om that 
of the cardinal prophecies. Thus the dating for the creation or compilation 
of the full set of fifteen units must remain open, ranging firom as early as 



3' Vatican Library, MS Vat. lat. 3822, fok. 6', 5\ 

^- Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 404, fols. 88'-95^ and Oxford, Bodleian, MS 
Douce 88, fols. 140^-147'. 

^^ The commentary explicates only the first six umts of the Genus nequam series, but 
Rehberg argues that the original version must have contained eight units (" 'Kardinalsorakel'," 
100-101) as do Millet and Rigaux, "Aux origines," 134; Kelly, "Visio," 26, argues that the 
author of the Visio borrows from the eighth unit of the Genus nequam series as well as selectively 
from earlier units. 

3'» Lemer, "Recent Work," 154, n. 29. 

35 Lemer, "Recent Work," 149, n. 17. 



THE PROPHECIES 



1280 to as late as early 1305. Even though it is clear that the first six or 
eight units of the Genus nequam prophecies were in circulation by 1292 or 
possibly earlier, there is no conclusive evidence for the circulation of the 
full fifteen units by that date/^^ 

Tacitly acknowledging the difference in cumulative effect between the 
six or eight units of the cardinal prophecies and that of the fifteen units of 
the Genus nequam prophecies, Lerner sums up the matter of intention as it 
currently stands: "To portray the author as primarily a political propagandist 
ignores the fact that his prophecies led up to a supematurally-guided trans- 
formation in the government of the Church and the crowning of popes by 
angels." On the other hand, even though no one would argue that the 
Genus nequam prophecies came to be identified with the fortunes of the 
Spiritual Franciscans, "... to portray [the author] as a Joachimist or Spiritual 
Franciscan ignores the fact that distinctively Joachimist or Franciscan points 
of view are absent in the eariiest level of the evidence. "-^^ 

A final point to be considered here is the relation between image and 
text. Recent interest in the manuscript as artifact has led to renewed and 
newly focused discussions of the relation between text and image, as well 
as on a more theoretical level, between visual representation and lan- 
guage. -^^ Images on the page can serve ornamental, memorial, illustrative, 
or explanatory functions: they can highUght or enhance the text or provide 
an alternative to the text. The problem here is to find the language that 
best describes the relation between text and image in the Genus nequam 
prophecies. 

No one to my knowledge disputes the assumption that the images were 
part of the original conception of the prophecies. It is beyond doubt that 
the Genus nequam prophecies had their origins in the so-called Greek Leo 
Oracles, each unit of which also consisted of image, text, and caption or 
motto. In some instances, units of the Genus nequam series are very faithful 
to their counterparts in the Leo Oracles in both the language of the text 
and details of the images. Contemporary witnesses identified the prophecies 
with the images as often as with the texts. DeUcieux, as noted above, spoke 



^^ None of the exttint nine MSS can be dated conclusively to before the election of Clement 
V in June of 1305; Lerner, "Recent Work," 156, n. 33. 

^^ Lerner, "Recent Work," 156. 

^" The literature on this topic is considerable, beginning with Kurt Weitzmann's pioneering 
work Illustrations iti Roll and Codex: A Study of the Orifiin and Method of Text Illustration (Prince- 
ton, 1947), but see especially W. J. T. Mitchell, Picture Vieory: Essays on Verbal and Visual Repre- 
sentation (Chicago and London, 1994); Robert G. Calkins, Illuminated Books of the Middle 4<J« 
(Ithaca, New York, 1983); Michael Camille, Vie Gothic Idol: Ideology and Image-Making in Medie- 
val Art (Cambridge, 1989). 



10 INTRODUCTION 



in 1317 of a "papalarius," or pope prophecies, "in which past and future 
popes were represented in pictures." Pipini, writing no later than 1317, is 
interested only in the pictures and identifying pictures with popes, perhaps 
finding the text too obscure. ^'^ 

It is clear as well that these images serve more than a simple illustrative 
function, but how much more, and how is this added function to be 
described? Certainly the total effect of picture plus text (and motto) is 
greater than that of either component alone. Additionally, each provides a 
means of understanding, even decoding, the other. Habits of mind give pri- 
macy to text, a logocentric bias, as it were, but in this instance the images 
are more accessible than the text, often providing a referent in time and 
space that the text lacks. The text of unit one, after all, does not refer 
explicitly to a pope; it is the image that does so. 

It is not possible to go so far as to say that each component requires the 
other for meaning to be produced; yet the three parts of each unit, text, 
image, and motto, mutually elucidate one another. "^^^ Page organization 
illustrates this point. Units of the prophecies are carefully delineated, one 
from the other, often one unit to a page, even when the text is very short. 
Some witnesses give the text on one page, the image on the facing page. 
When the units are arranged one to a page, the image takes up two-thirds 
of the space. Mottoes precede the text, set apart firom it in some way, 
either as headings or tituli, or by rubrication."^^ Identifications of historical 
popes, when they are made, are written above the image or sometimes 
above the motto. Nothing about the page organization suggests the primacy 
of one component over the other, and everything points to a special kind 
of complementarity between text and image. 

Yet, this complementarity or movementbetween text and image is any- 
thing but straightforward. Pipini, for instance, knew the series was to begin 



^"^ There are of course some contemporary references to the Genus riequam prophecies that 
appear to be to the text alone or to a combination of motto and text. The Liher de Flore quotes 
from units eleven and twelve and makes no explicit reference to the images. 

"*" The captions or mottoes appear in a short form as v^ell as in a (later) long form. Two 
MSS record the short form; of the remaining MSS, one gives both short and long forms, 
distinguishing between them, five give the long form, and two omit captions altogether. 
Recendy there has been some discussion as to what to call these "captions" or "mottoes" 
(Lemer, "Recent Work," 151-152, n. 20); often they are referred to as "mottoes;" Millet and 
Rigaux term them "rubrics." The verb used to refer to them in the commentary on the cardinal 
prophecies is intitulatur, Pipmi refers to supcrscriptiones; I will use "motto" or "caption" inter- 
changeably. Some MS witnesses add a fourth element, the identification of an historical pope. 

'^^ On the use of tituli and parallels between this use and the planned integration of text and 
image, see Daniel S. Russell, Emblematic Structures m Renaissance French Culture, (Toronto and 
Buffalo, 1995), 17-20. 



THE PROPHECIES 11 



with Nicholas III, and therefore identified the pope in the second unit of 
the series as Martin IV. The image in unit two, in at least four of the 
witnesses, shows a pope and to his side a snake-Hke serpent attacked by two 
crows. Pipini, in an effort to fit the iconography to Martin IV, describes the 
"serpent" as an "anguilla" or "eel," and elsewhere in the passage refers to 
Martin IV's fondness for eels. The snake-like serpent attacked by two 
crows, however, comes directly from the parent image in the Leo Ora- 
cles"^^ where clearly it had quite a different referent. The writer of the 
commentary on the cardinal prophecies identifies this "flying serpent" as 
Cardinal Matteo Rossi Orsini and the crows as anti-Orsini forces. In 
probably the latest of the witnesses, the copy in Vat. lat. 3819, the element 
of opposition has been retained, but the details are quite different: here the 
pope stands with a book in his left hand, and holds with his right hand a 
standard with a large bird perched atop, beak open. To the pope's left is a 
large dragon figure. The dragon and bird thus face each other, separated by 
the pope, who, because he holds the standard, is to be aligned with the 
bird. The significance of these particular changes is lost to us. All we can 
say is that no change in the text precipitated these changes in the image, 
yet the changes in the image have the potential at least for altering the 
reading of the text. 



^2PG 107:1151, Figure 1. 



General Principles 

Recent work in textual editing and in manuscript studies has made 
editors acutely aware of the problems inherent in the editing particularly of 
so-called non-canonical texts like the Genus nequam prophecies. The tradi- 
tional philological approach which requires the establishment of an ideal or 
Ur-text is challenged by those editors who give priority to the reading of a 
single manuscript. Two features of the Genus nequam prophecies are impor- 
tant here. First, the texts from their earliest circulation lent themselves to 
emendation, correction, and adaptation to the changing circumstances of 
history, thus calling into question the very notion ofauteur. Second, each of 
the fifteen units of the Genus nequam prophecies consists of image, text, and 
motto; in other words there exists a special kind of complementarity be- 
tween text and image that goes beyond simple illustration of text. Both 
these features present special if not unique problems for the editor. 

The Genus nequam prophecies may be called a "fluid" text, but in a spe- 
cial sense. The term has recently been appUed to trouvere, where, it is re- 
cognized, poetry orally performed resulted in a variety of texts, all valid 
versions of a song which was always changing.^ It was constantly a "text in 
the process of becoming,"^ undergoing mutations through performance. 



^ See Rupert Pickens, Tlie Songs ofjaufre Rudcl (Toronto, 1978). For a text closer to the 
Genus nequam prophecies, see Robert Lerner's edition of the "generations" of the Cedar of 
Lebanon Vision in Powers of Prophecy. A review article by Joseph J. Duggan, "Editing Medieval 
Texts: How to Do It," in University Publishing 9 (Summer, 1980): 12, 17, gives an excellent 
overview of the state of textual editing, particularly as it applies to medieval texts. See also Alfred 
Foulet and Mary Blakely Speer, On Editing Old French Texts (Lawrence, Kansas, 1979), 1-39. 
More recendy the debate has quickened in the light of contemporary literary theory. Here a 
good starting point is Jerome J. McCann, A Critique of Modern Textual Criticism (Chicago, 1983), 
and G. Thomas Tanselle, A Rationale of Textual Criticism (Philadelphia, 1989); see also David F. 
Hult, "Reading It Right: The Ideology of Text Editing," in Tlie New Medievalism, ed. Marina 
S. Brownlee, Kevin Brownlee, and Stephen G. Nichols (Baltimore, 1991), 113-130. For the 
conservative view, see J. B. Hall's review article "The Editing and Emendation of Medieval Latin 
Texts: Two Case Histones," Studi Medievali 3rd ser. 19.1 (1978): 443-466. 

~ This is a loose translation of Paul Zumthor's term mouvance: Paul Zumthor, Toward a 
Medieval Poetics, trans. Philip Bennett (Minneapolis, 1992), 47. 



GENERAL PRINCIPLES 1^ 

oral transmission, scribal revision, and the intentional spinning of new 
versions. Obviously the Genus nequam prophecies were not such poetry in 
the making, changing in each performance. They derive from a single text, 
the Leo Oracles, and therefore — unless one posits the independent adapta- 
tion of this by several different authors — there must have been an archetype. 
Yet there is a sense in which these prophecies form a Hving text. Their 
"matter" was a subject of immediate and vital contemporary concern, while 
the original text was gnomic enough to leave open the door to varying 
interpretations or "creative readings."-^ Hence from their first circulation, 
the prophecies lent themselves to emendation, correction, and adaptation. 
Traditional guidelines on the editing of texts tend to rule out any considera- 
tion of this fluid quality and concentrate wholly on the establishment, as 
near as possible, of the archetype, and thus access to authorial intention. But 
popular prophecy, like popular poetry, invites another approach, although 
this raises its own problems. 

This can be illustrated by examples from some manuscript witnesses. 
Text C (a Cambridge MS) preserves a different reading firom text A (a 
Vatican MS which also has a relatively "pure" text); this may be either a 
corruption or a new reading, i.e., a deliberate substitution in order to adapt 
the material to slightly different circumstances. The simplest form of this 
type of emendation is an updating by change of tense or date, thus renew- 
ing the prophecy. In such a case, there is a point of reference outside the 
text, and it can be regarded as a new original. On the other hand, if no 
such reason is apparent, the alteration may simply be a corruption, a mis- 
reading, or a grammatical or orthographical emendation, or a word substitu- 
tion which seeks to make better sense. 

The versions of the prophecies in a Florentine MS (F) and a Yale MS 
(M) well illustrate the general problem. These witnesses of all the four- 
teenth-century examples contain the greatest number of idiosyncratic and/ 
or unique readings. In a number of important instances, each stands alone 



^ For recent work on the reading of such gnomic texts, see Walter J. Ong, Orality and 
Literacy: 77ie Technolojiizin^ of the Word (London, 1982), and Frank Kermode, An Appetite for 
Poetry (Cambridge, Mass., 1989), and Poetry, Narrative, History (Oxford, 1990). See also Lee 
Patterson, "The Logic of Textual Criticism and the Way of Gemus," in Negotiating the Past: TJic 
Historical Understanding of Medieval Literature (Madison, Wise, 1987), 77-113 and, in particular, 
his distinction between a rhetorical poetics and a symbolist poetics, the latter one "in which 
language is not transparent but dense and even opaque, by definition overdetennined and 
furnishing an abundance of signification" (96). An examination of the commentary on the 
cardinal prophecies firom this perspective would provide a case in point as to how such texts 
were read. 



14 INTRODUCTION 



against the readings of all the other witnesses. The traditional conclusion is 
that these texts must be the most corrupt; yet that is not necessarily the 
case. In the Florentine MS, the reader can see the scribe at work, trying to 
interpret what he records, following a particularly baffling phrase with a vel 
and seven or eight words of interpretation or an alternative explanatory 
sentence. (It is also possible, of course, that the explanatory sentences were 
included in the scribe's exemplar.) The scribe apparently identified the 
popes through Benedict XI (1303-1304) and perhaps through Clement V 
(1305—1314), although there is evidence of erasure; in addition there are a 
number of enigmatic abbreviations above some of the images, and in several 
instances descriptions of or references to the images. Above picture thirteen 
is "papa coronatus ab angelo," which does not correspond to the picture 
represented below. Discrepancies between image and description can be 
explained in several ways: the scribe either knew of or was looking at a 
different picture than the one drawn below this text, or else this confusion 
was also incorporated in his exemplar. The argument for scribal interven- 
tion is strengthened by the fact that in the other witnesses under discussion 
vel signals an alternative reading rather than an explanation. On the other 
hand, the discrepancies between the images and the descriptions provide 
contrary evidence. The images show few signs of having been executed by 
a professional illuminator, and thus we might well have expected reconcili- 
ation of these discrepancies by the scribe. The most Ukely explanation is 
that this witness records both instances of scribal intervention and evidence 
of early contamination and confusion. 

The Yale MS version of the prophecies is of particular interest on two 
counts: first, it, like the Florentine witness, contains a high number of idio- 
syncratic or unique readings, and second^ it is unique among the four- 
teenth-century witnesses in that the prophecies are part of an anthology 
apparently organized around a specific theme. In this instance, the large 
number of unique readings and the many variations of the text suggest less 
the deliberate alteration of the text for a particular purpose than that the 
Yale version is a conservative copy of a presently unknown text. A number 
of features point to a conservative scribe. There are a fair number of lacunae 
in the Yale record, as well as annotations in the margins making corrections, 
additions, and filling in the lacunae. The marginal annotations are all in the 
same hand, probably a second later hand. The presence of the lacunae sug- 
gests a conservative scribe, even if the glossator and the scribe were the 
same person. 

Because it is an anthology, the Yale manuscript provides important clues 
to the way the text was read by the anthologizer as well as clues to the 



GENERAL PRINCIPLES 1_5 

purpose he or they thought the texts could serve. '^ The body of the manu- 
script is in a single hand, and the anthology is organized around a specific 
theme, that of savior-emperor. In addition it presents an early example of 
the convergence of tw^o motifs, last world emperor and angelic pope, a 
combination which was to become popular in prophetic programs of the 
later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Of particular interest in this an- 
thology is the Latin version of the Greek Anonymous Paraphrase of the Leo 
Oracles or "Cento of the True Emperor," as Paul Alexander has called it,^ 
the prophecy of a great pauper-king, the imperator. This is the only instance 
in which this text follows the text of the Genus nequam prophecies,^' 
although in the Greek texts of the Leo Oracles, the Greek Paraphrase often 
followed the text of the Oracles, as it does in the edition of Lambecius, 
reproduced in Migne. The Yale anthology, then, provides a context for 
reading the Genus nequam prophecies, a context that is generally lacking in 
the other witnesses. 

Thus it is clear that the variants are as interesting as any possible "estab- 
lished" text. Neither a reconstituted nor a purified text would have the 
validity or the immediacy of individual witnesses. But to print each version 
would be impossibly cumbersome. The text presented here therefore repre- 
sents a compromise, and this compromise needs some explanation. 

Since Lachmann it has been assumed that a critical edition of any work 
presupposes a single authorial version, one from which all other versions de- 
scend in varying degrees of correctness. This assumes a stable text, or rather 
a text that should be stable. The Genus nequam prophecies are not such a 
text, yet it is clear that they did circulate in some consistently recognizable 
form, certainly very shortly after their production. It seems Hkely that the 
very earliest version of the prophecies had but a brief life as a discrete ver- 
sion and was very quickly turned into what can now be seen as a relatively 
consistent and recognizable version.^ A very early version, that found in 
Vatican Library, MS Vat. lat. 3822, is incomplete, for it gives only the first 
eight prophecies and descriptions of pictures rather than the pictures them- 
selves, or it is a complete text in the sense that what the scribe wrote down 



* See Stephen G. Nichols and Siegfried Wenzel, 77ie Whole Book: Cultural Perspectiues on the 
Medieval Miscellany (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1996), 1-7 on the single manuscript as historical artifoct, 
and in particular, on the miscellany and/or anthology. For a list of contents of the Yale antholo- 
gy, see below, "Descriptions of Manuscripts." 

"* Alexander, Byzantine Apocalyptic Tradition, 130-136. 

'' I have discovered one additional instance: see London, British Library, MS Add. 39660, 
fols. W-\7\ 

' On the life of the cardinal prophecies, see Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 92. 



16 INTRODUCTION 



is all he thought there was.^ Either way, it is a version which has to be 
read, must have been read, differently from the somewhat later versions, for 
its cumulative effect is different. The same point, with some reservations, 
can be made about the copies in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 
404 (C) and Oxford, Bodleian Library, Douce MS 88 (D), both of which 
present the prophecies with distinct variations in the pictures and with 
distinct aberrations of order within the series. The version in these two 
manuscripts, very similar but not quite identical, again, must be read a bit 
differently from the later versions, even though they preserve a pristine 
version of the text; regardless of what the scribe and artist thought they 
were doing, the resulting version generates a different response. 

The text presented here therefore represents an attempt to come as close 
as possible to the version of the Genus nequam prophecies that corresponds 
to the version of the prophecies recognized as pope prophecies in the early 
decades of the fourteenth century. In other words, I have not tried to 
reconstruct the version of the text which must have been circulating as early 
as 1292, i.e., the version referred to by the author of the commentary on 
the cardinal prophecies or the author of the Visio Fratrisjohannis. Rather, I 
am focusing on that version of the text that was recognizable as a series of 
pope prophecies, circulating ca. 1304-1305. I have tried to reconstruct its 
archetype, but not necessarily the Ur-text itself 

Although a critical edition traditionally focuses on text alone, the special 
kind of complementarity between text and image characteristic of the Genus 
nequam prophecies requires a different approach. The interplay among text, 
image, and motto or caption raises a number of interesting questions. Are 
the texts more stable than the images? Are the variations in the text paral- 
leled by variations in the images? What in the images or in the texts gener- 
ates a particularly figurative or a particularly historical reading? What kind 
of movement was there between these readings? And particularly as far as 
the images are concerned, what is the tension between the iconographic 
content — and its variations — in any given image and the accumulated 
iconographic build-up generated by the series of images? Does examination 
of the manuscripts themselves, not simply as vehicles for the transmissions 
of these particular texts, but as productions made in a specific time for a 
specific occasion or audience and with a specific program, reveal evidence 
not obtained by other means of analysis? And does the production of a 



** There is some debate on this point: see Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 100-101, and 
Lerner, "Recent Work," 154, n. 29. 



GENERAL PRINCIPLES 1/7 

critical edition of a text like the Genus nequam prophecies to some extent 
blur these distinctions? 

These questions cannot be answered in full at this point. What can be 
said, however, is that any edition of the Genus nequam prophecies would be 
incomplete if it were not accompanied by the corresponding set of images. 
The special kind of complementarity between image and text noted earlier 
requires that the reader be able to take in text, image, and motto as a unit. 
Thus the images cannot be placed in a clutch at the end of the edition; they 
must be part of the edition. 

Unfortunately it is not possible to construct an adequate apparatus for an 
"edition" of the images similar to that for the text, and certainly it is not 
possible to construct a composite image or an emended image. The com- 
promise I have effected is this: image, text, and motto will be presented as 
a unit for each of the fifteen units of the series. Helow each image will be 
a brief recapitulaton of the significant variations among the images. The 
description of each manuscript will include a discussion of those questions 
iterated above that are particularly relevant to it. Description of the Yale 
manuscript, for instance, requires a discussion of the anthology of which it 
is a part. The Lunel record shows evidence of an accumulated inconogra- 
phic build-up not characteristic of the other records under consideration. In 
addition, a separate section will be given over to a discussion of the picture 
tradition. 



Archetype and Copy Text: Text and Image 

There are nine important manuscripts of the fourteenth century con- 
taining the Genus nequam prophecies. Many later manuscripts contain the 
combined version of the Genus nequam prophecies and the Ascende calve 
prophecies, but this edition is Umited to an examination of those manu- 
scripts of the fourteenth century that record versions of the Genus nequam 
prophecies before they were combined routinely with the later set. 

The Manuscripts 

A Vatican Library, MS Vat. lat. 3822, fols. 6^ 5" 

C Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 404, fols. 88''-95^ 

D Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 88, fols. 140^-146^ 

F Florence, Bibhoteca Riccardiana, MS 1222B, fols. r-8^ 

L Lunel, BibHotheque de Louis Medard a la BibHotheque Municipale, 

MS 7, fols. 4^-1 9^ 22^ 

M Yale, University Library, T. E. Marston MS 225, fols. 15^-22'' 

N Paris, Archives Nationales, MS JJ 28, fols. 285*^-29 r 

P Monreale, BibHoteca Comunale, MS XXV. F:17, fols. V-\7' 

V Vatican Library, MS Vat. lat. 3819, fols. 147'"-149^ 

The Genus nequam prophecies derive from the Leo Oracles; thus, the 
simplest view suggests that the archetype of these prophecies must be that 
extant or reconstructed version which is closest to the Leo Oracles. Yet the 
problem of identifying this archetype is the more difficult because all the 
manuscripts of the Genus nequam prophecies under consideration are earUer 
than any manuscript witness of the Leo Oracles, and, even more impor- 
tantly, they are not Latin translations of the Greek Leo Oracles but are 
adaptations of these Oracles.^ 



' Here, as elsewhere, the reference is to the Lambecius edition of the Leo Oracles as printed 
inPG 107:1121-1168. 



ARCHETYPE AND COPY TEXT 19^ 

Textual and iconographic analysis of the Genus nequam prophecies in the 
manuscripts under consideration, as well as comparison of these versions 
with that adduced from the commentary on the cardinal prophecies, distin- 
guish three recensions of the text. The first recension is one for which there 
is no manuscript witness except the text as it can be adduced from the 
commentary on the cardinal prophecies. This is a very early version and 
one close to the Leo Oracles.^ The commentary makes reference to the 
pictures and quotes liberally from the first six texts of the Genus nequam 
prophecies. "^ The second group consists of the Cambridge and Oxford 
manuscripts and represents another version of the Genus nequam prophecies. 
A Vatican manuscript. Vat. lat. 3822, although it gives only eight of the 
fifteen prophecies, giving only descriptions of the pictures, belongs to this 
group as far as its text is concerned but seems to represent a slightly 
different picture tradition. The largest group, consisting of the Lunel, Paris, 
and Monreale manuscripts, together with MS Vat. lat. 3819, represents what 
can be called the estabUshed reading of the text; when contemporary writers 
refer to the Genus nequam prophecies, both text and pictures, they seem to 
be referring to the version of the prophecies found in this group.'* Closely 
allied to this group of four manuscripts are two other continental examples, 
the Florentine and Yale codices. Each has a number of unique features, 
both textual and iconographic, which set it somewhat apart from the others. 

Although the three recensions have much in common, each does in fact 
represent a separate production, compiled in different circumstances and for 
different purposes, and certainly read differently. The version referred to in 
the commentary on the cardinal prophecies corresponds in a number of 
ways to the version represented in the Cambridge and Oxford manuscripts 
and particularly to that represented by the Vatican 3822 and Florentine 
manuscripts, but the line of descent is not a straightforward one. The three 
recensions are not simply three stages in the transmission of a single text but 
rather three productions or versions which are related to one another in 
very clear ways but also are in a very real sense independent productions. If 
the version of the prophecies referred to in the commentary on the cardinal 



- Rehberg calls this commentary the "Cardinal Commentary;" Millet and Rigaux refer to 
the commentary as the "Orsini Commentary." For reservations as to the proximity to the Leo 
Oracles, see Lerner, "Recent Work," 149, n. 17. 

^ See Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 107-112 for transcription of the commentary as it 
appears in MS Vat. lat. 3819, fols. 1 49^-1 50\ 

* I.e., Pipini, Hugh of Novocastro, Bernard Delicieux, Gentile of FoUgno, and John of 
Roquetaillade and the references in the Uher de Flore, the Horoscopus and their respective com- 
mentaries. 



20 INTRODUCTION 



prophecies did consist of only six texts and pictures, then it is clear that the 
compiler of the version represented by the Cambridge and Oxford manu- 
scripts not only was dependent on this first version but also returned to the 
texts and pictures of the Leo Oracles.^ This sort of relationship among 
recensions and between the recensions and the Leo Oracles calls into 
question the whole notion of archetype as far as these prophecies are 
concerned. 

How then to put the construction of the edition on a sound footing, 
and how to determine the appropriate base text? How to accommodate the 
evidence of the three recensions without losing sight of the fact that each 
represents a different version — ^particularly in its cumulative effect — of the 
prophecies? 

The characteristics of the first recension can only be adduced from the 
references to it in the commentary on the cardinal prophecies found in MS. 
Vat. lat. 3819, fols. 149''-150'' (and the fragment of this same commentary 
found in Arras, Bibliotheque Municipale, MS 171, fol. 81', recently iden- 
tified by Helene Millet and Dominique Rigaux). Its cumulative effect is 
clear: it refers to the series of five Orsini cardinals, the first of whom is 
Giovanni Gaetano Orsini (Pope Nicholas III).^' Given the pattern of quota- 
tions in the commentary, several generaUzations about the text of the oracle 
itself can be adduced. First, there is no version of the Genus nequam prophe- 
cies among the manuscripts under consideration that corresponds in all 
particulars to the text adduced from the commentary. Although the textual 
similarities between this recension and the other two outweigh the differ- 
ences, there are nonetheless some striking differences. Again, given the 
pattern of quotations in the commentary, it seems quite clear that the first 
unit of the cardinal oracle did not include the second paragraph {Inc. Serpens 
autem omnes) found in later versions of the Genus nequam prophecies. Sub- 
stantial textual differences occur in the opening words or lines of units 
three, five, and six; what is interesting is how much remains in later ver- 
sions of the opening words of the other units, particularly when it is clear 



^ One very obvious example: the second paragraph of prophecy one {Inc. Serpens autem 
omnes), as it appears in Vat. lat. 3822, is combined in the Cambridge and Oxford manuscripts 
with prophecy number two, and unlike the rest of prophecy one, is drawn from the Leo 
Oracles. The commentary on the cardinal prophecies contains no references to this paragraph. 
Rehberg suggests the original version of the Genus nequam prophecies had only eight units (as 
in Vat. lat. 3822), but see Lerner, "Recent Work," 154, n. 29 who finds it "hard to imagine 
someone between the phase of [A] and [C and D] 'reinventing' prophecies to the extent of 
going back to the Leo Oracles," and accounts for the fact of only eight units in the Vatican MS 
"on the grounds of lack of space." 

'' Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 49-61 ; Millet and Rigaux, "Aux origines," 144-146. 



ARCHETYPE AND COPY TEXT 21 

from the identifications of prophecies with popes that the referent has 
changed^ 

The manuscripts of the second recension, including the Vatican manu- 
script (Vat. lat. 3822) provide a pristine version of the text: one measure 
of pristinity is that each has a very small number of type one variations, that 
is, readings in which one manuscript stands alone against all other versions 
(e.g., A:CDFLMNPV). The Vatican manuscript (A) has the fewest type one 
and type two variations, i.e., instances in which A stands alone or in which 
A and one other stand against the rest (e.g., AC:DFLMNPV). The version 
in Vat. lat. 3822 is, however, incomplete, giving only prophecies one 
through eight, omitting the so-called angelic series, and substituting brief 
descriptions for the pictures. The descriptions of the pictures contain a 
number of anomalies, anomalies which separate this version from all the 
others.^ 

The Cambridge and Oxford manuscripts (C and D) share sufficient 
similarities both textual and iconographic to indicate that, although neither 
is a copy of the other, both stem firom a common ancestor. Both have two 
instances of a combination of texts, an anomaly that runs counter to the 
general tradition of the Genus nequam prophecies and in particular to the 
Vatican manuscript (A).*^ The second instance, the combination of prophe- 
cies four and five and their pictures, points to the very outlook and purpose 
which might well have inspired the work, for it omits any reference to 
Celestine V. Most scholars have assumed that the prophecies were firom the 
beginning conceived in apocalyptic terms, as a juxtaposition of the worldly 
papacy to the true angelic papacy of the future. Marjorie Reeves and others 
have seen in the juxtaposition of the saintly Celestine V (unit five) to 
Boniface VIII (unit six) evidence not only of a Joachimist resonance in the 
prophecies but also evidence of Spiritual Franciscan provenance.^" 



^ Note for instance the beginning of prophecy two: there are differences between the two 
versions, but the text apparently accommodates reference either to a cardinal (Matteo Rosso 
Orsini) or a pope (in this case Martin IV who, unlike Nicholas III and Honorius IV, was not 
one of the five cubs noted in unit one). 

" See below, "Relation of Manuscripts," for comparisons between the text as represented in 
Vat. lat. 3822 and that adduced from the commentary on the cardinal prophecies, and for 
comparison of iconographic features. 

'' On the first combination of texts, see above n. 5. 

'" Reeves, "A Question of Authority," 146-149, 151. I am unwilling to jettison the 
assumption that the version of the prophecies represented in the Cambridge and Oxford manu- 
scripts refers to a set of popes, in spite of the fact that the pictures identified with prophecies 
four/five and seven do not show popes. As noted elsewhere, the cumulative effect of this set 
is different from that of the third recension, but it is also clear that at least Henry of Kirkestede 
(see below, "Description of MSS") identified the prophecies with a series of popes. See below. 



22 INTRODUCTION 



The textual differences between C and D are small. A look at the type 
one variations for C and D shows that many of the differences are minor: 
one has an ablative case, the other accusative, where either would do; some 
are clear errors. Others are more interesting in that they show how risky it 
is to label variations errors. In the sentence from the text of unit one, "Sicut 
autem bene manens canes nutris novas et habeas istos sicut adiutores in 
media tempestatum," CD omits "sicut adiutores," AFMNPV's reading.' ' 
D however adds at the end of the sentence, after "tempestatum," "sicut 
adulatores." Both readings make sense; "adulatores" is simply pejorative 
where "adiutores" is not directly so. The sixteenth-century Regiselmo edi- 
tion omits the phrase; the sense of the corresponding lines in the Leo 
Oracles (1-3) would not be violated by either word. What, then, is the 
reading of C and D's ancestor? Since C omits the phrase altogether, to call 
both errors, one of omission, the other a reading of iu as «/, not the most 
Hkely of confusions, but certainly not an unlikely one, means that the scribe 
had to have made two errors, one in the placement of the phrase in the 
sentence, another in the word itself Or, the scribe, having reaHzed his 
omission, in tacking the phrase on the end of the sentence, saw an oppor- 
tunity for embellishing the comparison. D's reading may be an error or it 
may be simply an idiosyncrasy. All that can be said is that the probability is 
that "sicut adiutores" is the "archetype's" reading and that it, as well, be- 
came the established reading. Such a hypothesis would be supported by the 
evidence of the commentary on the cardinal prophecies.'^ 

A cannot be a direct intermediary between the archetype and CD, first 
because it is incomplete, and second because of the considerable difference 
between the pictures described in A and the pictures as represented in CD, 
although neither identifies the figure of Celestine V. A and C give the short 
form of the captions; D gives both short and long forms, distinguishing 
between them. '^ Yet A, C, and D do show remarkable textual agreement: 



"Relation of Manuscripts," for comparison of the prophecies as they appear in the Cambridge 
and Oxford manuscripts with the version adduced from the commentary on the cardinal 
prophecies. 

" For "sicut adiutores," the Lunel manuscript (L) reads "sicut adultores"; given the pattern 
of errors or misreadings in L, it is possible the L scribe read the iu as «/. In one instance, the 
captions in D and L show an unusual correspondence: both read guk for castrimargie in the 
caption for unit number five. 

'- The commentary on the cardinal prophecies reads "adiutores" (I: 29); see also Rehberg, 
" 'Kardinalsorakel'," 107. All citations are to Rehberg's transcription by unit and line number, 
" 'Kardinalsorakel'," 107-112. 

^^ The longer version possibly may have been added later; see below, "Description of MSS," 
for discussion of the captions in the Oxford MS. 



ARCHETYPE AND COPY TEXT 23^ 

there ate no instances of either AC or AD as a separate group, apart from 
the captions. There are very few clues to determine which manuscript of 
the three records the earHest version of the first eight texts, apart firom the 
evidence of the captions. One variation, again firom prophecy one, is of 
interest in this connection. The last sentence of the first paragraph and the 
sentence immediately following the one quoted above reads in ACD "Sed 
tempus manifestabit cogitationes" (italics mine). FLMNPV read "Sed Christus 
manifestabit cogitationes." A, however, has an interlinear addition above 
"tempus" which reads "vel Christus." A number of explanations are possi- 
ble: the scribe was uncertain about the abbreviation in his copy text and 
gave both possibilities (and there are other internal corrections in the A 
text), or he knew of the alternative reading of "Christus" for "tempus," or 
he was interpreting what was meant by "tempus." The third seems the least 
likely: the A text shows signs of haste; it is arranged in an irregular fashion 
on the page, there are other corrections within the text, one of a long 
eyeskip. The Leo Oracle text has "tempus" in the corresponding sentence, 
but the sense of the sentence is different; the Regiselmo edition has 
"Christus" with no indication that "tempus" might have been an alternative 
reading. Assuming "tempus" to be the earlier reading because of the agree- 
ment among A-CD, clearly very soon "Christus" became the preferred 
reading. The commentary on the cardinal prophecies is no help in resolving 
this reading, as there is no reference to this sentence. 

In summary, this group of three manuscripts. A— CD, represents a very 
early version of the text, although D adds the later version of the captions. 
A omits the series of angeUc popes, and A, like CD, omits any reference to 
Celestine V in unit five; in fact, the description of this picture refers to the 
figure as "juvenis." Certain iconographic features in CD link the images in 
these manuscripts with those of the Leo Oracles, i.e., a king in picture 
number seven rather than the usual pope. (A also describes a king in num- 
ber seven.) While each of these manuscripts is undoubtedly closer to the 
archetype than is any one of the remaining manuscripts, it is clear that the 
version represented by these three manuscripts was written with a different 
purpose than the others and clearly must be read differently. 

Of the remaining manuscripts, those constituting what can be called the 
"Vulgate" version, the Florentine and Yale manuscripts (F and M) have the 
greatest number of type one readings, many of which cannot be accounted 
errors. Of the group LNPV, that is, the Lunel, Paris, Monreale, and Vatican 
3819 manuscripts, the Lunel manuscript shows the greatest number of type 
one readings, most of which can be accounted errors or omissions in tran- 
scription. The type one readings in the Monreale manuscript tend to be 



24 INTRODUCTION 



concentrated in several prophecies rather than spread throughout the work. 
The version in the Paris manuscript, a fine copy by a professional scribe, 
also has some unique readings, although a good percentage can be ac- 
counted errors; it however lacks the pictures. The second Vatican manu- 
script. Vat. lat. 3819 (V), has relatively few type one variations and shares a 
number of textual features with the Lunel, Monreale, and Paris versions and 
iconographic features with the Lunel and Monreale versions. 

Several generaUzations can be made about the captions. F and M con- 
sistently omit them. The others (DLNPV) record the longer version of the 
caption, with many variations among them. The Leo Oracles in the Lambe- 
cius edition all have the short versions of the captions.''^ One might expect 
the captions to have fewer variations than the text itself, but such is not the 
case: even though in the group A-CD, A and C agree (short caption), this 
agreement is always in the context of a complex variation, that is, a varia- 
tion with more than two groups. 

Considering then the evidence of text, captions, and iconography, it 
seems clear that while a reconstruction of the archetype would produce a 
text that would be similar to that referred to in the commentary on the 
cardinal prophecies, at least for the first six units, as well as to the text of A- 
CD, it would at the same time result in a version that might well have been 
read quite differently. In other words, the cumulative effect of the prophe- 
cies as they are presented in CD, as well as in A, is different from the 
response generated by the recension represented by the Florentine, Lunel, 
Paris, Monreale, Yale, and Vat. lat. 3819 manuscripts. 

The evidence of contemporary references to the Genus nequatn pro- 
phecies in the first two decades of the fourteenth century, in particular, 
those by Pipini ca. 1317 and by Delicieux as early as 1314 noted above, 
supports this grouping of manuscripts. It also makes it clear that the third 
recension of the Genus nequam prophecies provides the basis for the main- 
stream or established version of the text. 

The edition presented here then is an archetype of sorts, that is, a 
version which attempts to reconstruct the version of the Genus nequam pro- 
phecies, corresponding to that version generally referred to in contemporary 
accounts in the first decades of the fourteenth century. The base text of this 
edition is, with the exceptions noted below, that of the Lunel manuscript 
(L), although in fact this version of the text does not differ greatly from the 
version represented in A-CD and F.^'' All variant readings witnessed by 



^'* The commentary on the cardinal prophecies as well refers only to the short captions. 
''' The Lunel MS does have a good many unique readings, almost all of which however can 



ARCHETYPE AND COPY TEXT 25^ 

the fourteenth-century record, including variations in spelling (with excep- 
tions noted below), are recorded in the footnotes; testimony from the com- 
mentary on the cardinal prophecies is introduced when appropriate, but in 
the supporting notes rather than in the textual apparatus itself 

The exceptions to the use of the Lunel manuscript are as follows: 

1. In the presentation of the text, the short caption is on the first line, the 
expanded version (long form) on the second line. Readings of the indi- 
vidual witnesses are recorded in the apparatus. 

2. Scribal errors in the Lunel manuscript are corrected by readings from 
other manuscripts and cited in the notes. To resolve the disagreement 
evidenced by complex variations, that is, a variation with more than 
two groups, weight has been given to the group containing readings 
from both groups. A— CD and FLMNPV. There are only a handful of 
truly problematic readings where ACDF is one group and LMNPV the 
other; in these instances the rationale for decisions has been presented in 
the notes. 

3. The orthography of the Lunel manuscript has been modified by elimi- 
nating a number of double consonants and by adopting a consistent 
spelling for words ending in ci or ti; these two modifications are not 
cited in the footnotes. (All other variant spellings, including those of 
proper names, are cited in the footnotes.) 

4. Punctuation, paragraphing and capitalization have been modernized. 

5. Abbreviations have been resolved in conformity with forms established 
in Adriano Cappelli's Dizionario di abbreviature latine ed italiane (Milan, 
1961) and the Supplement to Capelli, Auguste Pelzer, Abbreviations latines 
medihales (Louvain and Paris, 1966). 

The pictures facing the text are from the Lunel manuscript as well 
because this set has the fewest unique features and at the same time rep- 
resents an early and complete version. The pictures in the Lunel, Monreale, 
and Vat. lat. 3819 manuscripts are all closely related, but the Monreale 
manuscript has one or two altered pictures, and the Vatican manuscript has 
a number of unique features. The cumulative effect of text and pictures in 
the Cambridge and Oxford manuscripts is different from that of the larger 



be attributed to scribal error. The pattern of errors suggests that the scribe showed litde 
inclination to tamper with the text, for many of the errors reveal the scribe's propensity to copy 
without regard for sense. See below, "Description of MSS," for the connections between the 
Lunel and Oxford copies, also Millet and Rigaux, "Aux origincs," 137-138, on the importance 
of the Lunel witness. The Lunel copy is the only copy to mark the end of the sequence with an 
Explicit. 



26 INTRODUCTION 



group FLMPV. The argument for using the pictures in the Florentine 
manuscript is stronger, for the pictures represent an early version and the 
cumulative effect is similar to that of LMPV. The chief objection to using 
this set stems from the inconsistencies between the description of the 
pictures (in the scribal notes following some of the texts) and the pictures 
themselves. Thus, since the Paris manuscript has no pictures, the Lunel pic- 
tures seemed the best choice. Although a critical edition traditionally focuses 
on the text alone, in this case the "text" is a combination of picture, text, 
and caption. Presenting the three together in an edition which is close to 
the actual witness of the Lunel manuscript preserves, as much as it is pos- 
sible to do, the "sense of the book" of this sequence of prophecies without 
abdicating the responsibilities of an editor. 



Relation of Manuscripts 

The Genus nequam pope prophecies consist of mottoes (or captions), 
texts, and pictures. The pictures are not decorative additions to the text; 
rather, picture, caption, and text constitute the "text." Thus in estabUshing 
the relations of the manuscripts, evidence of text, caption, and picture has 
to be taken into consideration, and one would expect the evidence of one 
to reinforce the evidence of the others, unless scribe and artist are assumed 
to have drawn on different exemplars.' 

As will be seen, evidence of mottoes, texts, and iconography confirms 
the groupings of A— CD, LNPV, and F and M as not consistently aligned 
with either of the two main groups, but in their cumulative effect clearly 
aligned with LNPV rather than with A-CD. Not only are there distinctive 
variations characterizing the two main groups, there is also considerable 
variation within each of the two main groups. Analysis of these variations 
helps to determine the relation of manuscripts within each of the groups 
and underscores, as well, the importance of each manuscript witness as a 
source of clues to the ways in which the prophecies were perceived and 
received. 

Textual Evidence 

An analysis of the mottoes or captions shows F and M omit them, A 
and C give the short form, and DLNPV give the long form. In addition, D 
shows knowledge of the mottoes in both short and long forms.^ Except for 



' In some instances, scribe and artist may have been the same person; in others, the 
miniatures may have been supplied separately. The scribe of the Paris MS (N), for instance, 
executed the text and the caption, leaving blank a space for the artist to decorate the first initial 
of each text. Neither decorated initial nor picture was added. Errors in the first word of unit one 
in the Yale and Vat. lat. MSS (MV), ("Senus") for "Genus," can be attributed to the rubricator 
rather than to the scribe. 

- See below, "Description of MSS": the longer form of the caption in the Oxford nunu- 
script might well have been added later. The commentary on the cardinal prophecies refers only 
to the short form of the captions. 



28 INTRODUCTION 



the first motto, A and C's versions show only minor variations; there are 
many variations, however, in the group DLNPV, although NPV is a group 
more often than not. For some texts L has two sets of mottoes, one at the 
head of the text executed by the scribe and one within the miniature, pre- 
sumably executed by the artist, and the two sets of mottoes are by no means 
identical. 

Overall, textual analysis shows A-CD as a group, CD a distinct sub- 
group sharing substantial common anomalies in the arrangement of texts 
one/two and texts and pictures four/five; F and M are separate "groups" of 
one, each with many idiosyncratic readings. When the readings divide into 
groups of two, F is most frequently aligned with A— CD and M with 
LNPV. Although N has a good many unique readings, it also shares signifi- 
cant additions, omissions, and errors with P. L is clearly related to P and V, 
but it does not share the additions and omissions of P nor the additions to 
text of V. L could be an intermediary between NPV and their ancestors, 
but the contrary is highly unlikely. 

It is useful to look at the textual evidence in two parts, first the evidence 
for units one through eight and then the evidence for units nine through 
fifteen. The Cambridge, Oxford, and Florentine manuscripts (CDF), along 
with the Vat. lat. 3822 witness (A), present early versions of the text. At 
least for the first six units of the series, the commentary on the cardinal pro- 
phecies sheds considerable light on the relations among these early wit- 
nesses. Rehberg, in his analysis of the commentary, suggests that the com- 
mentator's exemplar must have been close to the text as it is presented in 
the EngHsh group, that is, C and D, and especially close to the ItaHan 
group, that is. Vat. lat. 3822 and the Florentine witness.-^ A detailed exami- 
nation of the correspondences between these two groups of manuscripts and 
the version referred to in the commentary helps to determine the relation 
between the English and Italian groups and reinforces the distinctions 
already made between the Oxford, Cambridge, and Vat. lat. 3822 manu- 
scripts and the rest of the manuscripts under consideration. 

One particularly interesting correspondence occurs in line one of unit 
four: the commentary (IV:82) reads "Iste collateralis quartus ..." corres- 
ponding to the reading in the Florentine manuscript. The other witnesses 
read "coUis" or "coUus" for "collateralis." The "collateralis" reading makes 
good sense in the commentary (apparently referring to Latino Mala- 



^ Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 65; Rehberg here refers to the combination of textual and 
iconographic evidence. 



RELATION OF MANUSCRIPTS 29 

branca)/ whereas the "collus" or "coUis" makes no particular sense in the 
other witnesses, and, to be sure, the "coUateraUs" reading in the Florentine 
manuscript no longer has the same referent the word had in the commen- 
tary. If "coUateralis" were abbreviated in some form in the exemplar, as 
Millet and Rigaux suggest, it is easy to see how "coUateralis" became 
"coUis" or "collus," especially since the referent was no longer obvious. 

The instances in which the readings from the commentary aid in 
resolving differences between the readings of the Vatican manuscript and 
the two English manuscripts are less striking. As noted earlier, a problematic 
reading in unit one of the two English MSS ("sicut adiutores") is resolved 
in favor of the reading in the Vatican manuscript on the basis of evidence 
from the commentary. As Rehberg has pointed out, there are a number of 
instances where the reading in the Florentine manuscript is closer to that of 
the commentary than are the readings in the two English manuscripts; often 
these readings occur in the context of complex variations and the reading 
from the commentary does help in the resolution. It is essential to note, 
however, that often early readings seem to have been retained even when 
the referent has changed and the reading no longer makes any sense. In unit 
four, for instance, the abbreviation "La. M." has been retained in some 
form in all the witnesses, even though the subject of the prophecy is no 
longer Latino Malabranca but Pope Nicholas IV. 

One particularly striking difference between the text as represented in 
the commentary and that of the other witnesses occurs in unit one. The 
commentary makes no reference to the second half of unit one (beginning 
"Serpens autem omnes") and in fact omits reference to the previous 
sentence ("Sed Christus ..."). The references in the commentary on unit 
one are (with the exception of the last quotation) to that part of the text 
which clearly can be assigned to the originator of the prophecies, as it is not 
found in the Leo Oracles. This omission, the pattern of references to the 
cardinal oracle, the idiosyncratic use of "etc." to indicate omission of words, 
sentences, or, on one occasion at least, a single word, all make it very diffi- 
cult to reconstruct with any certainty the "original" text. As has been noted 
elsewhere, the commentary customarily would have followed the text it was 
explicating, and thus the quotations from the text served primarily as refer- 
ence points. 

For the last five units of the sequence, eleven through fifteen, textual 
evidence suggests the same groupings of manuscripts, although the pattern 
of variations is somewhat different. An examination of the variations in the 



* Lerner, "Recent Work," 148, n. 15. 



30 INTRODUCTION 



Opening line of prophecy eleven, the prophecy of the angelic pope, illustrates 
rather clearly both the relations and the problems of determining the relations 
among the manuscripts. The text begins, according to the reading of C, "Et 
revelabitur unctus'': F reads "untus" [sic], DLM "virtus," NV either "vinctus" 
or "iunctus," and P reads "unitus" (for "unitas"). The word in the corres- 
ponding line in the Leo Oracles reads "unctus."'' In what may be a reference 
to this line in the Liber de Flore, the phrase reads "Et revelabitur virtus"^ 
Which, then, is the earliest reading? Which is the established reading? 

The Cambridge, Oxford, and Florentine (CDF) manuscripts all repre- 
sent early versions of the text; the disagreement in this reading is one of the 
very few important differences between C and D, for otherwise they are 
remarkably similar. "Unctus" is probably the earlier reading, for in addition 
to the testimony of C and F is the testimony of the Leo Oracles. Further- 
more "unctus" marks the legitimate, that is, the duly consecrated, king or 
emperor, anointed as he is with holy oil. In the "Cento of the True Em- 
peror," as given in the Yale manuscript (folio 23*^), the emperor is referred 
to as "de laudato paupere et electo imperatore," and further on as "unctus 
futurus." When Roquetaillade quotes the opening lines of the "Cento," the 
word "emperor" has been changed to "pope."^ (He does not quote the 
"unctus futurus" phrase.) 



■=*PG 107:1137-1138. 

^' Rehberg (" 'Kardinalsorakel'," 91) makes this same assumption. The copy of the Liher de 
Flore I have consulted is Nuremberg, Stadtbibliothek, MS Cent. IV 32, fols. 46-70", here fol. 
54^ (A superscript, however, in the Nuremberg MS reads "Benedictus," which means at least 
one reader saw these lines as referring to an historical pope.) The Liher de Flore quotes only 
fragments (fols. 57^ 59") from prophecies eleven and twelve of the Gt'»M5 riequam prophecies. 
Another, later, fourteenth-century copy of the Liher de Flore, Arras, Bibliotheque Municipale, MS 
138, fols. 85^-106", reads "revelabitur unctus": see Grundmann, " 'Liber de Flore'," 82. The 
sixteenth-century printed edition of the pope prophecies edited by Pasqualino Regiselmo, 
Vaticinia sive Prophetiae Ahhatis Joachimi et Atiselmi Episcopi Marsicani (as above, "The Prophecies," 
n. 22) reads "elevabitur unctus" with "virtus" given as a variant reading. Of the eight manu- 
scripts under consideration, only the Florentine manuscript (F) reads "ekvahitur unc[t]us" (italics 
mine). There are a number of other prophecies of holy popes, among them the Visio fratris 
Johannis: for references to this and similar texts, see Reeves, hijluence of Prophecy, 401-415; 
Lerner, "On the Origins," 618, n. 15; and McGinn, " 'Pastor Angelicus'." On the Visio, the 
most recent work is that of Samantha Kelly (see above, "The Prophecies," n. 24). 

' Jean de Roquetaillade, Liher Ostensor, Vatican, Ross. MS lat. 753, fols. 52", 78"; see 
Bignami-Odier, Etudes sur Jean de Roquetaillade, 142-156, 243-244. Those in holy orders are 
anointed as well; perhaps the reason why fifteenth- and sixteenth-century versions read "unctus" 
reflects the distinction between the Avignon and Roman papal lines, and at one point, between 
these two and the Pisan line. Or "unctus" in the later versions may simply represent a return to 
the more general term. (A reference to the Messiah, i.e., Christ, the "Lord's Anointed," seems 
less likely.) See also Lerner, "Historical Introduction," in Lerner and Morerod-Fattebert, eds., 
Rupescissa, Liher secretorum, 69—70, on the angelic pope, "anointed by God" in Roquetaillade 
{Liher secretorum, #20), noting that in the pope prophecies the angelic pope is anointed by an 
angel. 



RELATION OF MANUSCRIPTS 31 

The complexity of the evidence is inarguable. A reasonable hypothesis 
is that "unctus" is probably the reading of the archetype, but that "virtus" 
is the better reading for Genus nequam pope prophecies as they must have 
circulated in the early decades of the fourteenth century. It seems unlikely 
that the many variations are a result of error, for this phrase represents the 
opening lines of a key prophecy and, together with the next four, is often 
quoted in contemporary sources, as in the Liber de Flore, where none of the 
earUer prophecies is quoted. I would argue that the readings of NPV repre- 
sent a somewhat different emphasis than those of DLM, pointing to a pope 
whose function would be "to make one" or "to join." 

As for the group LNPV, textual analysis shows a close connection 
between N and P, the Paris and Monreale witnesses: both, for instance, 
record a sixteenth unit, a short text and caption which in later versions are 
combined with the text of the fifteenth unit. On the other hand the 
Monreale record shares with the Vat. lat. 3819 witness (V) but not with N 
the addition of five lines to the text of the fifteenth unit, although in the 
instance of the Monreale witness, in a different and perhaps later hand. This 
same Vatican witness (V) adds two lines to the text of unit ten (from Dan. 
8:14 with some modification). The Lunel witness is clearly related to NPV 
but lacks the additions to units ten and fifteen found in V, as well as the 
text of a sixteenth unit found in N and P. 

ICONOGRAPHIC EVIDENCE 

It is useful to look at the iconographic evidence in two parts as well, 
first the evidence for pictures one through six (and seven-eight), and then 
the evidence for pictures nine through twelve. Here the evidence is drawn 
from eight manuscripts rather than nine, as the pictures in the Paris manu- 
script were never added. To this evidence is added the weight of Pipini's 
descriptions,^ and more importantly for determining the relations of the 
Oxford, Cambridge, Florentine and Vatican 3822 MSS, one to the other, 
the evidence of the commentary on the cardinal prophecies. Analysis of the 
iconographic evidence of the first eight pictures shows that A-CD form a 
group, CD a sub-group; LPV are a group, F and M have clear affinities 
with LPV, but each differs from LPV in several important instances. No 



" Chronicoti, cols. 4, 726, 727, 728, 736, 741, 747. 751. As noted above, Pipini's description 
in the main corresponds with those pictures found in the LMPV group rather than with A-CD, 
particularly as far as pictures one, four, five, and seven are concerned (i.e., different arrangement 
of bears in number one, columns in number four, clear identification with Celestine V in num- 
ber four, and a pope rather than a king in number seven). 



32 INTRODUCTION 



two versions are identical iconographically (although the Cambridge and 
Oxford versions are very close); each manuscript has some feature or 
features that are unique to it; the groupings represent constellations of 
important similarities. 

The first unit of the commentary refers to the ''primus ftlius, id est pri- 
mus ex quinque cardinalibus. ..." (1:8). Rehberg suggests that the picture 
must have been that of a bear with five cubs but perhaps not the figure of 
Nicholas III, who is both one of the five cubs and pope.'^ The Vatican 
manuscript omits a description of this picture (but gives the long version of 
this prophecy). The Oxford manuscript shows a bear with five cubs, the 
Cambridge one a bear with four cubs, the Florentine manuscript a bear with 
multiple young (the comer of this folio is damaged); the latter three show a 
pope as the main figure, identified as Nicholas III in the Oxford and Flor- 
entine copies. The Oxford and Cambridge copies give the short version of 
the prophecy, corresponding to that alluded to in the commentary (although 
both include the remainder of the prophecy as part of the second unit). 

The second unit of the commentary refers to a "flying serpent," and 
ravens attacking its eyes, features found in all four of the manuscripts under 
consideration. Rehberg identifies the subject of this prophecy as Matteo 
Rosso Orsini, made cardinal in 1262 and instrumental in the election of 
Giovanni Gaetano Orsini as Nicholas III.^" The description in the Vatican 
manuscript reads "hie fiat ymago unius diaconi . . . cum bitortu in capite" 
(fol. 6''), and Rehberg argues that the diaconus in question (wearing a mitre) 
might well be a cardinal, linking this version more closely to that repre- 
sented by the commentary." The Oxford and Florentine manuscripts 
show a pope, identified in the Florentine manuscript as Martin IV. 

The third unit of the commentary again .provides a connection between 
the text referred to in the commentary and the record in the Vatican 
manuscript, for the Vatican manuscript refers to an "ymago similis priori 



'^ Rehberg notes that the pictures are not described in any detail in the commentary because 
it can be assumed the commentary followed a copy of text and pictures and thus the descnption 
was not necessary. The introduction to the commentary (Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 107) 
suggests Nicholas III is identified as the first of the cubs by the rubrics: "Et hec rubricella aUudit 
principah, id est Gaietani, quasi iam tenebat guai, id est mala." The Arras copy reads, "Et hec 
rubricella alluditur nomini primi catuli, scilicet J. Gaietam, quasi iam tenebit quay, id est mala." 
(See Lerner, "Recent Work," 150, n. 19.) Neither the portion of prophecy one alluded to in 
the commentary (with the exception of the final quotation) nor the image associated with it in 
the Genus nequam prophecies appears in the corresponding unit of the Leo Oracles in the 
Lambecius edition. See below, "Picture Tradition," for further discussion of this point. 

'" Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 52-54. 

" Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 67. 



RELATION OF MANUSCRIPTS 33^ 

cum corona sancti ..." (fol. 6*^), an indication of why Rehberg suggests that 
the originator of the description in the Vatican manuscript was aware that 
the reference was to either a pope or a cardinal, in this instance, Jacopo 
Savelli (Honorius IV, 1285-1287).^^ The commentary also refers to an 
eagle, a unicorn and a "knight" (eques). The first two elements are found in 
all versions; as for the eques, the Vatican 3822 copy refers to a puer as the 
second figure which more closely corresponds to all versions except the 
Florentine copy. 

The evidence of unit four of the commentary is particularly interesting, 
for Rehberg argues that units four and five of the commentary refer to a 
single cardinal, Latino Malabranca, made cardinal by Nicholas III in 1278^ 
and one who saw himself as a maker of popes. '-^ If this is is the case, then 
the origins of the combined pictures associated with prophecies four and 
five in the Oxford and Cambridge manuscripts become more understanda- 
ble and less attributable to error, although it is true that both the com- 
mentary and the Vatican manuscript represent units four and five as discrete 
units. The commentary for unit four refers to a severed head and a sickle in 
the picture; the Vatican manuscript has no description for number four; the 
Oxford and Cambridge manuscripts show the severed head and sickle in the 
picture which combines prophecies four and five; the Florentine manuscript 
shows a head, a bust rather than a severed head, in a vessel or on a capital 
with a curved "element" encompassing it which could be a crude version 
of a sickle. (The Florentine manuscript also identifies this figure with 
Nicholas IV.) 

Unit five of the commentary describes the main figure as holding a 
sickle in one hand and a rose in the other, again, as noted above, referring 
to Latino Malabranca. This image corresponds to that in the Leo Oracles 
(although the image in the Leo Oracles also shows an angel). The identifi- 
cation of this figure in the Oxford, Cambridge and the Vatican manuscripts 
is more problematic. The description in the Vatican manuscript refers to a 
"juvenis" (fol. 6"^), holding a sickle and a rose; the Oxford and Cambridge 
manuscripts show a barefoot figure (of uncertain age), not tonsured but in 
simple dress, holding a sickle in one hand and an angel in the other (as well 
as medalUons with a crowned head in each, again, all part of the combined 



'- Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 68, also n. 92 for a discussion of the image in the Flor- 
entine MS where the second figure wears what may well be a crown. 

'•' Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 56-58, but on this point, see also Lemer, "Recent Work," 
152-155. 



34 INTRODUCTION 



picture for prophecies four and five). The Florentine manuscript shows a 
monk (identified as Celestine V) holding a sickle and a rose and with an 
angel at his shoulder. 

The -last unit of the commentary refers to a pope, a cow, and two 
crowned heads. The first two elements are found in all the versions; the 
crowned heads are heads with mitres in the Florentine mansucript, and the 
two crowned heads are part of the previous image in the Oxford and Cam- 
bridge manuscripts. The text of the commentary refers to the fifth son of 
the bear, that is Giordano Orsini, although Rehberg argues that the text 
must have been subject to interpolation, for he finds the reference to 
Giordano obHque at best.'"^ 

What this analysis suggests is that the version of the Genus nequam pro- 
phecies represented by this group of manuscripts is very close to that 
referred to in the commentary on the cardinal prophecies. Textual and 
iconographic evidence in particular link the Vatican and Florentine versions 
to that referred to in the commentary, but questions do remain. First, it is 
impossible to know for certain the number of units in the commentator's 
exemplar: the exemplar could have contained as few as six units, as many as 
fifteen. 

Samantha Kelly's work on the Visio Fratris Johannis demonstrates parallels 
in language between units one, two, five, six, and eight of the Genus 
nequam series and the Visio, thus strengthening the argument that at least 
eight units of the Genus nequam series must have been in circulation circa 
1292.^'' In addition, the pattern of borrowings in the Visio illustrates how 
free, even eclectic, were these borrowings. Certainly the author of the Visio 
was not constrained by his source. The commentary, on the cardinal pro- 
phecies, on the other hand, explicates the first six units of the source, 
parallehng the sequence of the first six-unit sequence quite carefully. The 
pattern of citation in the commentary and the testimony of A (MS Vat. lat. 
3822) led Rehberg as well as Millet and Rigaux to conclude that the 
exemplar must have been eight units long.^^' Yet Lerner's point, noted 
earher, that it is unHkely that the author of the full fifteen units of the Genus 
nequam series then would have returned to the Leo Oracles for further 
inspiration seems a reasonable one, however unprovable. A final point: if 
either of these exemplars were in fact fifteen units long, clearly it had an 



^^ Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 59-61; Rehberg argues that it is only the later version 
which refers to the events surrounding the papacies of Celestine V and Boniface VIII. 
'^ Kelly, Visio, 26. 
^^ Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 100-101; Lerner, "Recent Work," 154, n. 29. 



RELATION OF MANUSCRIPTS 35^ 

agenda different from that evidenced by the Visio or by the pattern of 
references in the commentary on the cardinal prophecies. 

The arguments are strong, then, if not conclusive, that the first version 
of the Genus nequam pope prophecies must have been fourteen or fifteen 
units long, must have contained both parts of prophecy one (the commen- 
tary on the cardinal prophecies makes no reference to the second half of 
unit one), and quite likely contained elements in the pictures derived from 
the those in the Leo Oracles but not mentioned in the commentary. The 
version of the prophecies in the Vatican manuscript is closest to that 
referred to in the commentary, in that the sequence does not refer to a 
series of popes and may v^ell refer to cardinals, particularly in the descrip- 
tions for units tw^o and three. The sequence in the Florentine manuscript 
clearly does refer to a series of popes (and w^ith a different cumulative effect 
than that of CD), but it shows as v^ell striking affinities w^ith the version of 
text and pictures referred to in the commentary. In addition the evidence 
of the commentary helps to account for v^hat heretofore seemed anomalies 
in the Cambridge and Oxford copies. 

Of the first eight pictures, numbers one, four, five, and seven are 
critical. As noted above, A omits the description for picture one, CDF are 
a group, and LMPV are a group (the number of bears has been reduced to 
three and none shows a bear with nursing cubs). For picture number four, 
A omits the description, CD is a group, LPV is a group and F and M, 
although varying from LPV, are clearly aligned with LPV and not with CD 
(LMPV show three columns). For picture number five, A-CD form a 
group, and FLMPV form a group, in all instances with some variations. 
Pipini identifies the pope as Celestine V, aligning his description here as 
elsewhere with FLMPV; the Leo Oracle picture shows a king with sickle 
and rose, and an angel. For picture number seven, all witnesses show a 
pope, bear and nursing young, except for A-CD which substitute a king for 
the pope. 

For pictures nine through twelve, there is no longer the evidence of A, 
and Pipini stops with picture number nine. For this group of pictures, 
numbers ten and twelve are key ones, and to a lesser degree, numbers 
eleven and fifteen-sixteen, and once again, analysis of the evidence rein- 
forces the pattern of groupings. For picture number ten, CD show an 
empty throne. FMLPV show a cityscape or fortress. For picture twelve, CD 
and F all show a marked affmity with the Leo picture of a mummified 
emperor held aloft on the backs of four animals and ministered to by an 
angel. LV show a pope (MP an angel) holding a tiara over four animals. In 
picture eleven CD again have a strong affmity with the Leo picture which 



36 INTRODUCTION 



shows a figure seated on a sarcophagus. CDF show a star as does the cor- 
responding Leo picture. For picture fifteen, F adds an awkwardly drawn 
animal with a human face and a headdress-crown of horns, labelled on its 
flank "antichristus."^^ LPV show an animal with a human face and crown 
as picture number sixteen; only P includes a prophecy; L has a sentence at 
the bottom of picture fifteen indicating that with this prophecy the series 
ends. As noted elsewhere, C adds a crudely drawn "beaver" on the page 
following the fifteenth text and picture. ^^ There are, as well, a good many 
other minor differences among the miniatures in the series as a whole. 

The general pattern, then, remains the same. C and D constitute a 
group. F, Hke C and D, shows clear affinities with pictures in the Leo Ora- 
cles as printed in the Lambecius edition (i.e., picture 12), yet in pictures 
eleven and fifteen, F shares features with LMPV (11) and LPV (15), and the 
cumulative effect of F is closer to that of LPV than to CD. LPV are a group 
with M standing somewhat apart from it, but closer to it than to CD, and 
LV form a sub-group. 

Two groupings emerge, then, firom the combined evidence of mottoes, 
texts, and iconography: one, A-CD and the other LNPV, with F and M 
not consistently ahgned with either of the two main groups, but in their 
cumulative effect clearly aligned with LNPV rather than with A-CD. CD 
is a group except for the captions, where AC have the short form, FM omit 
the captions, and DLNPV have the longer form. The longer form of the cap- 
tions, of course, includes the short form, and, in D, the divisions are clearly 
marked. In several instances L shares with D readings that otherwise would 
be unique to D, and there are many variations within the DLNPV group. 

Within each recension, there is considerable variation, and analysis of 
these variations helps to determine the relation of manuscripts within each 
group. Details of iconography in the Cambridge, Oxford, and Florentine 
manuscripts suggest that at first the last five prophecies in the series were 
read as the progress of a single pope.^'^ Some of these details are missing or 



'^ Following the text of unit fifteen are the words "papa cum Hbro in manu et cum metria." 
This description does not coincide with the image, which shows the pope holding a staff 
terminating in the episcopal cross; more importandy, the description makes no mention of the 
human-faced animal. 

^^ See below, "Description of Manuscripts: C." Since there is no background decoration in 
the drawing, the animal could have been added at another time. 

''^ M. Fleming, "Metaphors of Apocalypse and Revolution in Some Fourteenth-Century 
Popular Prophecies," in Vie High Middle Ages, ed. Penelope Mayo, ACTA 8 (Binghamton, 
1980): 131-146; see also Fnedrich Baethgen, Dcr Erigelpapst (Leipzig, 1943), 101 [27], n. 2. (I 
thank David Heffner for supplying the Baethgen reference.) Hugh of Novocastro, writing in 
1315, "reads" the group as a series. 



RELATION OF MANUSCRIPTS 37 

are changed in the Lunel, Monreale, and the second Vatican manuscript 
(V), suggesting that the group was now seen as a series: an angeUc pope 
followed by three successors, similar to the program found in the Liber de 
Flore. 

Analysis of variants both textual and iconographic not only helps to 
establish relations among the manuscripts but also calls attention to the ways 
in which each witness yields valuable evidence of its own. The Lunel manu- 
script, Lunel, Bibliotheque de Louis Medard, 7, a manuscript re-discovered 
only a few years ago in a small municipal library in southern France, pro- 
vides an interesting illustration of how some of the changes in emphasis may 
have come about. 

One change, perhaps the major change, which distinguishes the two 
groups A— CD and FMNLPV is a new emphasis on the connections be- 
tween pictures five and eleven, tying together the image identified with 
Celestine V and that of a future angelic pope.^" For many, but especially 
for the Franciscan Spirituals, Celestine V came to represent the prototype of 
the angelic pope. In time, the controversy over the validity of his resigna- 
tion was convenient ammunition for the political opponents of Boniface 
VIII, and for Philip the Fair in particular.^^ This emphasis can be seen 
very clearly in the Lunel manuscript, where a series of five wide borders 
decorated with hybrids and three-faced heads acts as a kind of underlining 
of the stages by which these two features came to be connected and a 
special kind of decorative build-up "pointing" to the angehc pope in unit 
eleven. Images one, two, four, five, and eleven have these borders. A three- 
faced head wearing a crown connects the beginning of the series (unit one) 
with the image of the angelic pope in unit eleven. The borders as well call 
attention to the connection between units one, five, and eleven. This 
particular "program" of borders may well help date the manuscript to 1310 
or 1311 just before the Council of Vienne.^^ 



-" FLP explicidy identify prophecy five with Celestine V; the Monreale manuscript (?) has, 
above the text of prophecy five, the line "pius papa," and the Florentine scribe identifies this 
pope as Celestine V; on Celestine redivivus, see Lerner, "Historical Introduction," in Lerner and 
Morerod-Fattebert, eds., Rupescissa, Uhcr secretorum, 69-70. 

•^' Rehberg (" 'Kardinalsorakel'," 76-79) notes that the later version of the commentary (ca. 
1297) does reflect the controversy surrounding the papacies of Celestine V and Boniface VIII, 
and while this version makes reference to Celestine V, it does not highlight his papacy in the 
manner of the Franciscan Spirituals. 

-^ "Three topics of discussion were listed in the bull of convocation Regnans iti excelsis (12 
August 1308): the affair of the Order of the Templars, the recovery of the Holy Land, and the 
reform of the Church" (Sylvia Schein, Fidelis Crucis: 77ie Papacy, the West, and the Recovery of the 
Holy Land 1274-1314 [Oxford, 1991], here 239, on the CouncU of Vicnne, 239-257); see 
below, "Picture Tradition," n. 43. 



38 INTRODUCTION 



The particulars of picture eleven also underwent change as the 
connection between Celestine V and the angelic pope was worked out in 
greater detail. This change is illustrated in the Lunel manuscript as well as 
in the earlier Florentine manuscript. In the earlier version of the prophecies 
represented by the Cambridge and Oxford manuscripts, this figure, always 
half naked, almost always with the same gestures (one hand to his head as 
if in sleep, being awakened or summoned forth by an angel) is seated on a 
sarcophagus or tomb. In both these manuscripts there is no indication that 
the compiler meant any reference to Celestine V. In the Lunel manuscript, 
as in others of its recension, a rock or cave has been substituted for the 
sarcophagus. While the language of the text changes only slightly, it is clear 
that it was now read differently. The text is' full of references to a general 
messianic expectation, and language that could be seen as recalling the 
circumstances of Celestine's election (called forth as he was from his rocky 
hermitage), as well as language that came to have a particularly Franciscan 
resonance. It is not by chance that this figure is described elsewhere, as in 
the Florentine manuscript, as "papa nudus," for "nudus" was a code word 
in the ongoing debate on poverty in the Franciscan order: for the Spiri- 
tuals it meant simplicity, Hteral poverty, innocence, and the imitation of 
Christ. ^"^ Thus, while the language of the text changes only sHghtly, the 
shift in the details of the picture provokes a different reading, that is, one 
that sees Celestine V as a precursor of the angelic pope. 

The prophecies end on a note of both triumph and submission, and 
again there were a number of changes in the specifics of the ending. In 
what seems to be the earliest version, the angelic pope is surrendering his 
tiara at death. ^"^ In later versions, this ending was made more expUcit or 
was adjusted to the "program" of other prophecies circulating at the time, 
and the end of this pope's reign is identified with the Last Things and the 
advent of an Antichrist, if not the great Antichrist.^^ The picture tradition 



-•' See Grundmann, " 'Liber de Flore'," 67: the words "simplex," "benignus," "sanctus," 
"pius," "rectus," "verus" are applied to Celestine V and "perversus," "obliquus," "pseudo," "im- 
pius," and "iniquus" to Boniface VIII. For "Franciscan resonance," see Fleming, "Metaphors," 
145-146, notes 38 and 39. On "nudus," see especially John Patrick Oakley, "John XXII, the 
Franciscans, and the Natural Right to Property" (Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, 1987), 143- 
144. On Celestine V, see Peter Herde, Cokstiri V (1294): der Engelpapst (Stuttgart, 1981). 

"'' McGinn, " 'Pastor Angelicus'," interprets the final scene "as the abdication of the pope 
before the coming of Antichrist, a parallel to the similar abdication found in the imperial myths" 
(239, n. 49). For further discussion, see below, "Picture Tradition." 

^^ As in the programs of the Liher de Flore and the UheUus of Telesphorus: for a summary and 
discussion of these programs, see Reeves, The Irijlueme of Prophecy, 325-331, 342-345, 370-372, 
406; also McGmn, " 'Pastor Angelicus'," 239-245, 249-250. 



RELATION OF MANUSCRIPTS 39 

supports this interpretation and the arrangement of texts and pictures in the 
Lunel manuscript gives clues as to how this may have happened. 

The fifteenth unit in the Lunel manuscript concludes with the words: 
Explicit liber ymagimm papalium and an image of a pope holding a book in 
one hand and the papal tiara in the other. This image coincides with that of 
the early versions as represented by the Cambridge and Oxford witnesses, 
as well as the Yale witness. The later versions represented by the Monreale 
and Vatican 3819 manuscripts show the beast with a human face alone as a 
sixteenth unit or in combination with the pope, with distinctive additions 
to the text. The Lunel version makes it clear that the series ended with unit 
fifteen; a sixteenth unit, however, is appended to the series. The image 
shows a beast identical with that found in the sixteenth units of the 
Monreale and Vatican 3819 witnesses, but the image is not accompanied by 
the usual texts but rather by a series of five prophecies from quite different 
sources.^^' Thus, the Lunel manuscript is a key one in the transmission of 
the prophecies, and moreover its version of the prophecies suggests how 
changes in the cumulative effect of the sequence came about. 



^^' Including the pseudo-Hildegard prophecy, inc. "In die ilia elevabitur draco replctus," and 
several Joachite prophecies. See below, "Description of Manuscnpts: L." 



Description of Manuscripts 

The descriptions of the individual manuscripts are more elaborate than 
is usual, for the manuscripts are viewed not simply as vehicles for the trans- 
mission of the texts, but as productions made in a specific time for a specific 
occasion or audience and with a specific program. Thus analysis of the 
manuscript as artifact can sometimes reveal evidence not obtained by other 
means of analysis. 

A. Vatican LroRARY, MS Vat. lat. 3822, fols. 6*^, 5^ 

Description: O. Holder-Egger, "Italienische Prophetieen des 13. Jahr- 
hunderts III," AM 33 (1908): 97-187; J. Bignami-Odier, "Notes sur 
deux manuscrits de la Bibhotheque du Vatican," Melanges d'arche- 
ologie et d'histoire de VEcole frangaise de Rome 54 (1937): 211-241; 
M. Reeves and B. Hirsch-Reich, "The Figurae of Joachim of Fiore: 
Genuine and Spurious Collections," Medieval and Renaissance Studies 
3 (1954): 170-199, here 177-179 and passim; Reeves, Influence of 
Prophecy, Appendix C, 534—535 for list of contents. 

The manuscript is vellum, in octavo format, measures 27 x 17 centi- 
meters, and is bound in red leather. It is written in a number of hands of 
the thirteenth, late thirteenth-early fourteenth, and fourteenth centuries, in, 
for the most part, two columns. According to Holder-Egger the manuscript 
is most certainly of Italian origin; he posits Rome and a Franciscan prove- 
nance.^ The manuscript is an anthology of prophecies, "a typical Joachimist 
textbook,"^ with two main divisions. 

Folios five and six were bound in separately and did not originally 
belong to this manuscript. The Genus nequam prophecies, texts without pic- 



^ Holder-Egger, "Italienische Prophetieen," 97. 

- Reeves and Hirsch-Reich, "The Figurae of Joachim of Fiore," 177, citing Grundmann, 
"Die Papstprophetien." See Holder-Egger, "Italienische Prophetieen," 98-105; Bignami-Odier, 
"Deux manuscrits," 219-235; and Reeves, Itijluence of Prophecy, 534-535 for contents of Vat. lat. 
3822. 



DESCRIPTI ON OF MANUSCRIPTS 41 

tures, are on two sides of these two sheets, foHos 5''-6'^; they begin on 6*^ 
and continue on foHo S"",^ copied at the bottom of the page, after a short 
sibyUine text. Only the texts for prophecies one through eight are recorded 
in this manuscript; in the adjacent space are either directions to the painter 
of the miniatures (never executed) or brief descriptions of the miniatures in 
the exemplar. Although the spaces left for the drawings or miniatures are 
quite small, it still seems Hkely that they were intended for the miniatures; 
otherwise the prophecy written on folio 5^ might well have been squeezed 
into the remaining space on folio 6\ 

The text of the eight prophecies recorded in this manuscript is a "pris- 
tine" one (although one with a number of internal corrections); in only 
three instances does the reading of this manuscript stand alone against the 
others, and the pattern of variations suggests it is close to the archetype. The 
prophecies have the short version of the captions, that is, the one-word 
captions, except for the first prophecy which has the rubric, "Principium 
malorum secundum Merlinum. Incipit prime. '"^ 

As has been noted, the version of the prophecies represented by this 
Vatican manuscript and particularly by the descriptions of the pictures shows 
many correspondences with the text and pictures referred to in the cardinal 
or Orsini commentary. The descriptions show no singular affinity with the 
corresponding pictures in the Leo Oracles, although there is an affinity in 
two instances with the pictures found in the Douce and Corpus Christi 
manuscripts. 

There are six descriptions or sets of instructions: there are no instruc- 
tions for the pictures which should accompany texts one and four. The 
omission of instructions for picture number one is the more surprising one, 
since it is the first in the series. To be sure, the first picture in the Leo 
Oracles series, at least according to Lambecius, corresponds in part to the 
second picture in the Genus nequam series. The important consequence is 
that it is unclear with whom the series is to begin or even if the series is to 
begin with a pope. 



^ The foliation is inconsistent; I have followed the foliation indicated by arabic numerals in 
the manuscript, following Holder-Egger et al. The manuscript begins with two folios marked in 
roman numerals one and two, then is followed by the folio marked arabic numeral one. There 
is one readily identifiable hand, first appearing on folio one (arabic numeral one), which 
continues through folio 4" and picks up again on folio T. Not only is the hand distinct, but the 
page layout and decoration are distinctive as well. There are large five-line "built-up" initials, 
with the letter indicating the initial still remaining in the margin. The initials on the next foho 
are small, only two-line initials, but there are the same letters in the margin. The hands on foUo 
5'-6'', except for that in column one of 6", are very similar, but none is the hand of folios T— 4". 

"• Lerner (personal communication) reads for "Incipit prime," "R' prima." 



42 INTRODUCTION 



Only one of the descriptions or instructions refers unequivocally to a 
pope, that for picture number six: "Fiat figure summi pontificis et una 
vacca." The instructions for picture number two refer to the central figure 
as a "diaconus," and in instruction three, an "imago simiHs priori cum coro- 
na sancti et cruces in manum," including references to the "aquila," "puer," 
and "unicornis," elements found in the corresponding image in the other 
copies of the Genus nequam prophecies. A "diaconus" is of course an eccles- 
iastic; the figure is described as wearing a "bitortu" in two^ and a crown in 
number three/' The Leo Oracles show no human figure in the first three 
pictures; all the other manuscripts under consideration show a pope. 

The instructions for picture number five, a picture which came to be 
identified with Celestine V, describe a "juvenis" holding a sickle in one 
hand, a rose in the other. Most of the other fourteenth-century copies of 
the prophecies show a monk, or, as in the case of the Lunel manuscript, a 
monk in priestly garb, also with sickle and rose. The Douce and Corpus 
Christi manuscripts show similar figures, a man (of uncertain age) holding 
a sickle in one hand and an angel in the other. In neither instance is a 
tonsure visible; both figures are, however, barefoot and are dressed in a very 
simple belted robe, brown and not quite ankle-length in Douce. The Douce 
and Corpus Christi manuscripts combine the texts of four and five and con- 
flate the pictures of four and five, so what Vat. lat. 3822 and these two 
manuscripts really have in common is that there is no connection in either 
between this image and Celestine V. There is one additional correspondence: 
for picture number seven, Vat. lat. 3822 calls for a king, as is found in the 
Leo Oracles, and as is found in the Douce and Corpus Christi manuscripts. 

What conclusions can be drawn firom these observations? It would seem 
that the texts, at least for the first eight prophecies, are presented here in 
their stable form, but that the referents for these texts were unclear. The 
whole, that is, the eight texts, the one-word captions, and the descriptions 
for six pictures, did not refer to a series of popes; in fact only one does so 
directly. 

The dating of this version, then, remains open. Lerner suggests shortly 
after 1294, because a prophecy on foHo 5"" "appears to center around a pro- 
phecy ex eventu for 1294,"^ and, in fact, the date 1294 is written in at the 



^ Grundmann, "Die Papstprophetien," 77-140, here 103, n. 1, reads birotro{?) and suggests 
the word should be hirotum or birotrum. 

^' Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 67-68; see also "Relation of MSS" for further discussion. 

^ Lerner, "On the Origins," 635. Lerner also notes the barefoot friars in the drawing on 
folio 5^ suggesting that their presence supports Holder-Egger's theory of Franciscan origins; he 
sees these friars as fairly clearly preaching against the terrible dragon. 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 43 

bottom of the page, although probably in a later hand. Examination of 
foHos 5*^-6'' provides a few clues about the sequence in which the texts were 
copied. The hands on fohos 5-6^, except for that in column one of 6^, are 
very similar. The arrangement of the eight texts and the sets of directions 
on the two pages suggests that folio 6"^ must have been blank, for the Genus 
nequam prophecies occupy the entire page. Folio 6'' must have had the text 
in column one, otherwise the norm would have been to continue the text on 
folio 6^ rather than on the previous page, folio 5^. Thus there is nothing in 
the physical evidence to question a date of shortly after 1294. The attribution 
of the series to Merlin is less puzzling, for as others have noted, Merlin was 
a favored prophetic figure in Italy, and he was often identified particularly 
with lists of rulers and prophecies containing animal symbolism." 

Instructions for Miniatures 

1 . missing 

fol. 6' 

2. Hie fiat ymago unius diaconi cum cruce in manu, cum bitorto in capite. 
In aho latere serpens cum ii corvis qui eruunt serpenti oculos. 

3. Hie fiat ymago similis priori cum corona sancti et cruces in manum et 
supra ymaginem una aquila sit cum corona et ab uno latere unus puer et 
ab altero unicornis. 

4. missing 

5. Hie fiat juvenis cum falce in dextra et rosa in sinistra. 

6. Fiat figure summi pontificis et una vacca. 

7. Hie fiat una civitas. (crossed out and repeated below) Fiat ursa cum iiii 
catulis et cum ymagine Regis. 

fol. 5^ 

8. Hie fiat una civitas. 



" Bernard McGinn, Visions of the End, 181. McGinn cites in particular the work of Paul 
Zumthor, Merlin k Prophhe (Lausanne, 1943). See also Caroline Eckhardt, ed., 77it "Prophetia 
Merlini" of Geoffrey of Monmouth: A Fifteenth-Century English Commentary, Medieval Academy of 
America Speculum Anniversary Monographs 8 (Cambridge, Mass., 1982), for the identification 
with Merlin of prophecies "with a penchant for animal symbolism," as well as prophecies of 
rulers, i.e., "Six Last Kings," 6-7, 32, also 3-8 passim. 



44 INTRODUCTION 



C. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 404, fols. 88^-95^ 

Description: Montague Rhodes James, A Descriptive Catalogue of the 
Manuscripts in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (Cam- 
bridge, 1912), 2: 269-177, no. 404; Neil Ker, Medieval Libraries of 
Great Britain, 2nd ed. (London, 1964), 17; Richard H. Rouse, "Bos- 
tonus Buriensis and the Author of the Catalogus Scriptorum Ealesiae," 
Speculum 41 (1966): 471-499; B. Degenhart and A. Schmitt, Corpus 
der italienischen Zeichnungen 1300-1450 (Berlin, 1968), Pt. 1,1: 216- 
227, and Pt. 1,3: pis. 167-1 70;" Reeves, Influence of Prophecy, 93-95, 
193-195, 403-405, 539; eadem, "Some Popular Prophecies," 107- 
134; Lucy F. Sandler, Gothic Manuscripts 1285-1385 (Oxford, 1986), 
2: 102-103, no. 95; Robert Lemer, "On the Origins," 633-634. 

This manuscript is on vellum and measures 213 x 142 millimeters; it 
consists of three flyleaves plus 107 folios in twelve quires and is written in 
several hands of the fourteenth century. FoHos 88*^-95'^ constitute the 10th 
quire and contain the Genus nequam prophecies; folio 4V records a fragment 
of the sequence beginning Ascende calve. 

An anthology of prophecies, this manuscript was compiled by Henry of 
Kirkestede in the fourteenth century at Bury St. Edmunds and catalogued 
by him with the pressmark P 163 for Prophetia 163. Richard Rouse, who 
has provided the most detailed study of Henry's accomplishments as bib- 
liographer and librarian, notes that Henry claims to have copied much of 
this manuscript himself'^ On flyleaf iii^ above the table of contents is 
recorded in Henry's hand at the top in red, "Quatemus monachorum S. 
Edmundi quem scripsit pro maiori parte ffrater Henricus de Kirkestede in 
quo subscripta continentur videlicit," and on folio 1 again in Henry's hand 
at the top in red, "Liber S. Edmundi," and the pressmark "P 163" in black. 
Although Henry was at Bury St. Edmunds by 1346, he probably began 
working on this anthology sometime before 1352 and added notes to it as 
late as 1378.^^' The first date is based on the evidence of the prophecies re- 
corded on folio 4V; these prophecies, in Henry's hand, were copied appar- 
ently sometime before Clement VI's death in 1352.^^ Rouse identifies the 
"last datable note" in Henry's hand as one on a passage giving the date of 



'^ Rouse, "Bostonus Buriensis," 493. 

'" Rouse, "Bostonus Buriensis," 494; Lerner suggests possibly as late as 1381 {Powers of 
Prophecy, 93-94, n. 19). 

" Rouse, "Bostonus Buriensis," 481-486, 493-494; see also Reeves, "Some Popular Pro- 
phecies," 119-120, and Lerner, Powers of Prophecy, 96-97, n. 28; 90, n. 20. 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 45 

Pope Gregory XI's death in 1378.^^ There is, in addition, the headline on 
foHo 95^ "Urbanus VI" (1378-1389). 

According to the evidence of his notes both in the various Bury manu- 
scripts and in his great Catalogus, Henry w^as concerned with identifying 
copies of Bury texts held elsewhere, and, in general, with supplying infor- 
mation which would make the texts contained in these manuscripts more 
accessible and more reUable for the user.^-^ 

In addition to the table of contents on flyleaf iii^ and the inscription 
noted above, Henry made a number of notes on individual texts in this 
Corpus Christi manuscript, particularly on those concerning the Antichrist. 
As elsewhere, here too he noted texts which were incomplete and took 
considerable pains to point out similarities among texts, referring to hold- 
ings in libraries other than Bury. It apparently was also his custom to leave 
space in the manuscript for additional material to complete texts he had 
identified as incomplete. ^"^ 

The table of contents provides some clues to Henry's methods.^'* The 
order of the items in the table of contents suggests that they were arranged 
roughly by subject, with space left between groups to accommodate further 
additions. And, in at least one instance, a section of a text was singled out 
for identification by subject. Arrangement within each group is chronologi- 
cal by folio with the exception of items six and seven in group one, perhaps 
simply because he could identify item number six more specifically than he 
could number seven. 

The reference to folio numbers on the contents page, the foliation num- 
bers within the manuscript, and the relation between quiring and text in 
combination provide evidence as to the sequence in which the manuscript 
was put together. With the possible exception of item number six, i.e., the 
reference to the Genus nequam prophecies ("Prophecie Joachim abbatis de 
papis"), the first eight entries on the contents page show the distinctive 
earlier form of the arabic numerals four, five, and seven, contrasting with 
what is now the more familiar form of these numerals in all other entries on 
the contents page. The last folio reference in the old style on the contents 
page is to folio 42, a prophecy on the mendicant orders, within the longer 
text, "De seminibus literarum." The reference to the "De seminibus" 



'- Rouse, "Bostonus Buriensis," 494; see Lerner, Powers of Prophecy, above n. 11. 
'^ Rouse, "Bostonus Buriensis," 491-493. 
^* Rouse, "Bostonus Buriensis," 494. 

^^ Although I have relied heavily on Rouse's work, the analysis of the table of contents and 
the resulting conclusions are dependent upon my own examiiution of the table of contents. 



46 INTRODUCTION 



prophecy is the first item in the next group of three items on the contents 
page and the reference number, 44, is in the modem style. 

The evidence of foUation and quiring suggests that Henry probably 
catalogued the contents of this manuscript in at least two stages.'^' The first 
stage or group would include the miscellaneous prophecies contained in 
quire one, the prophecies of Hildegard in quires two, three, and four (for 
which Henry supplied additional division markers at the top of each folio), 
the fragment of the Ascende calve sequence in quire five, and the text "De 
seminibus literarum" in quires six and seven. Since on the contents page he 
identified the text contained in quire five as "aUa prophecia de papis," it is 
safe to assume that at the time he grouped these items on the contents page 
he had in hand quire ten containing the Genus nequam prophecies. Whether 
he added the folio reference, "88," at this time or later is subject to ques- 
tion, for the "8"s have distinctive flourishes which do not correspond to the 
"8"s elsewhere in the manuscript. 

The Genus nequam prophecies recorded on foHos 88-95"^ are not in 
Henry's hand but in an eariier, regular Gothic hand.^^ They could have 
been either copied in Bury St. Edmunds or acquired elsewhere and bound 
in by Henry. Item six on the contents page describes these as "Prophecie 
Joachim abbatis de papis." The text of each prophecy with its caption occu- 
pies the upper third of each page; on the lower two-thirds are clear line 
drawings. Henry has added headlines above the captions identifying the 
popes from Nicholas III onwards as well as footnotes below the drawings, 
beginning with number eight (corresponding to number nine in the usual 
ordering) through the final picture, giving the dates of the popes. 

An important characteristic that the Corpus Christi manuscript shares 
with Douce 88 (see below) is a combination of texts that occurs twice, and 
a conflation of pictures four and five. In the first case the last paragraph of 
what in the other manuscripts forms the second paragraph of prophecy 



"' Within the manuscript, the form of foliation numbers changes at 45', with the second 
page of the text "De seminibus Hterarum." Folio 44' is marked in the old style, folio 45 and all 
subsequent folios in the new. This text, folios 44'-66^, constitutes quires 6 and 7. The quiring 
shows quire 1 as a unit, quires 2, 3, and 4 as a textual unit, quire 5 as a short unit of only 4 
fohos containing the fragment of the Ascende calve series of prophecies, quires 6 and 7 as a unit, 
8 and 9 as a unit, 10 as a unit, and 11 and 12 as a unit. Relying again on the changes in form 
of arabic numerals on the contents page and the change noted above between folios 44' and 45', 
Henry must have numbered the first folio of quire 6 at one time and the rest of the folios at 
another. 

' '' See Lemer, "On the Origins," 633-634, citing Lucy Sandler, who assigns an East Anglian 
origin to this quire and suggests a date of ca. 1320, and Nigel Morgan who "posits 'c.l330 or 
1340 at the very latest.' " 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 47 

number one is run together with the text of number two. A possible ex- 
planation for this anomaly is that, since the picture for the second text 
shows a serpent, the copyist chose to begin this text with the first allusion 
to a serpent, which occurs in the last paragraph of text one.^^ The next 
combination of texts constitutes a more important aberration: the fourth 
prophecy is run together with the fifth, separated only by a space equivalent 
to three or four letters, and the short caption for prophecy number five.^'^ 
In this instance pictures four and five are conflated rather than combined. 
Generally these two texts and pictures are held to represent Nicholas IV and 
Celestine V respectively. Henry's headline reads "Prophecia de papa Nicho- 
las iiii de ordine minorum." Clearly Henry was not familiar with the tra- 
dition of identifying the figure with a sickle and rose, or in this case angel, 
as Celestine V, and thus the headline for the next picture, number six (five 
here), identifies Celestine V. From this point onwards, the identifications do 
not correspond to the usual ones, and the sequence totals only fourteen 
popes, ending with Gregory XI (fol. 94"^). This "mistake" too can be ex- 
plained by the appearance of a rose and sickle in both texts, but it distorts 
the meaning of the prophecies, since the identification of Celestine with 
this figure prefiguring the "angelic pope" to come seems to have been a 
crucial interpretation in the other versions. 

Lemer and others see the missing fifteenth pope as represented in this 
manuscript by a unique drawing on folio 95^^^^ At the top is the headline 
"Urbanus VI" and in the lower left-hand section is a drawing of an animal 
by someone other than the artist of the earHer pictures. The animal appears 
to be a beaver: its characteristics correspond to Albert the Great's descrip- 



^^ The commentary on the cardinal prophecies contains no glossing of this last paragraph; 
perhaps, although Rehberg does not refer to this paragraph in his discussion of the Douce 
manuscript, this paragraph was not part of the prophecy being glossed and its addition to 
prophecy one came when the "anonymous author" went back to the Leo Oracles to expand the 
sequence of six or eight prophecies into fifteen. With the exception of the last sentence, and part 
of the previous sentence, the first paragraph of prophecy one is not drawn from the 
corresponding Leo oracle; the final paragraph, however, is based on the Leo oracle. On the 
other hand, the "long form" of the prophecy is given in the Vatican 3822 copy, another early 
witness. 

''^ See below for version of the caption in the Douce manuscript. Note also that in referring 
to the prophecies by number, the common enumeration, as in all the manuscripts save Corpus 
Christi and Douce, is used. Thus what appears in Corpus Christi as number four is described as 
a combination of four and five. 

^" Unique, that is, among fourteenth-century manuscripts. Vatican Library, MS Vat. lat. 
3816, fol. 32' (1448) shows a similar but not identical beaver as the final picture of the series. 
See Lerner, "Papstprophetien" in Lemer and Moynihan, Weissagungen; although I consulted a 
copy of this two-volume work, my reference is to p. 28 of the typescript that Robert Lerner 
very kindly sent me. 



48 INTRODUCTION 



tion of a beaver in De Animalibus as an animal "with webbed hind feet Hke 
a goose . . . and forefeet Hke a dog."^^ 

In a fragment of the Ascende calve sequence recorded in Henry's hand on 
foHo 41"^ and identified on the contents page simply as "aUa prophecia de 
papis," the last named pope is Clement VI (1342-1352) and the later head- 
lines refer to the series of popes culminating in a final pope identified with 
the terrible beast of the Apocalypse. 

Henry of Kirkestede's main interest in the prophecies appears to have 
been the approach of the Last Things. He shows no awareness of the an- 
gelic pope theme or "renovatio mundi." Indeed, his identification of the 
image of pope and cow or ox rather than the figure holding a sickle and 
rose with Celestine V masks the angeHc theme by misplacing Celestine V, 
the prototype of the angelic pope. Henry's concern is rather to enumerate 
the succession of popes approaching the final drama. The death dates of 
popes and the length of their pontificates have been added to the last five 
prophecies in a hand which is recognizably more irregular and shaky. They 
could have been added after the death of Gregory XI, as also the heading 
"Urbanus VI" above the beaver. In his interpretation of the Ascende calve 
sequence, the fourth pope after Clement VI, he beHeves, will be identified 
with the terrible apocalyptic beast. This pope, is of course. Urban VI. Did 
Henry at the close of his Hfe really beheve that Urban VI was the precursor 
of Antichrist? Perhaps, but the beaver, rather than any one of the conven- 
tional ways of representing the forms of the Antichrist in the Apocalypse, 
remains a puzzle. ^^ It could be that Henry added the headline to a blank 
page because Urban was pope at the time and that the beaver is just a 
beaver and not a symbol of the Antichrist. , 



-' Albert the Great: Man and the Beasts, De AnimaUhus (Books 22-26), trans. James J. Scanlon, 
Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies vol. 47 (Binghamton, 1987), 90; see also Debra Hassig, 
Medieval Bestiaries: Text, Image, Ideology (Cambridge, 1995), 84-92 and figures 78-91. 

-- On Henry's interest in the Last Things, particularly in CCC 404, see Rouse, "Bostonus 
Buriensis," 493. The illustrated Apocalypse v^as a genre very popular in England (and elsewhere 
but not, significandy, in Italy) during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries; as a result there 
were a number of familiar and conventional ways to represent the Antichrist. If the artist had 
been directed to draw an apocalyptic beast, he would have had at least four models to choose 
from; on this point but with respect to the Ascende calve prophecies, see R. Freyhan, "Joachism 
and the English Apocalypse," JoMwa/ of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 18 (1955): 211-244, 
here 242-244. For discussions of illustrated Apocalypses and the representation of the Antichrist 
in medieval art see Bernard McGinn, "Portraying Antichrist in the Middle Ages," in T\k Use and 
Abuse ofBchatology in the Middle Ages, ed. W. Verbeke et al. (Leuven, 1988), 1-48; Richard K. 
Emmerson, Antichrist in the Middle Ages: A Study of Medieval Apocalypticism, Art, and Literature 
(Seatde, 1981); Peter H. Brieger, "The Trinit>' College Apocalypse: An Introduction and De- 
scription," in Trinity College Apocalypse, ed. Peter H. Brieger, translation of Anglo-Norman 
Commentary by M. Dulong. 1 vol. in 2 parts (London, 1967), 1: 1-15; Jessie Poesch, "Anti- 
christ Imagery in Anglo-French Apocalypse Manuscripts" (Ph.D. diss.. University of Pennsyl- 
vania, 1966); see also n. 44 below. 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 49 

The text recorded in this manuscript is a most reUable one, containing 
very few unique readings, in spite of the aberrations in order. It certainly 
represents an early version of the Genus nequam prophecies. The pictures as 
well represent an early recension; not all the figures are popes, as in the later 
manuscripts; the details of picture eleven, that is, the figure seated on a sar- 
cophagus rather than a rock, and the form of picture twelve all make it 
clear that this is an early version, or at least one with clear affinities to the 
Leo Oracles. It also seems clear that this version was read differently, cer- 
tainly by Henry, than were the versions represented by the Riccardiana, 
Yale, Lunel, Monreale, and Vat. lat. 3819 manuscripts. For the first six 
units, the text and pictures show clear affinities with the version of the pro- 
phecies referred to in the cardinal or Orsini commentary. 

Description of the Pictures 

The pictures are numbered as they appear in the manuscript. Picture num- 
ber five corresponds to picture number six and so on in all the manuscripts 
except this one and the Douce manuscript. 

1. (fol. 88"^) Picture number one shows a pope, standing on a small 
pedestal, wearing a chasuble and the papal tiara, one hand holding a 
large staff with cross, the other upraised as if in blessing. To the left of 
this figure is a bear with four nursing young. The papal tiara is tall and 
pointed, here as elsewhere, in the old style. 

2. (fol. 88^) Picture two shows a pope standing on a pedestal, wearing 
chasuble and tiara, one hand holding a staff surmounted by a cross, the 
other upraised in blessing. At the immediate left of this figure is a long 
staff with a banner. To the right of the figure is a snake -like serpent 
with a dog's head, being attacked by two large birds. 

3. (fol. 89"^) Picture three shows a pope in chasuble and tiara. An eagle 
with nimbus is just above the pope's tiara. At the left is a smaller figure 
in a short unbelted gown. To the right is a unicorn with upraised 
paws, facing the pope. 

4. (fol. 89") Picture four shows at the bottom left two medallions: within 
each is the bust of a king wearing a crown. A large, lightly bearded 
figure, but with no visible tonsure, is to the right: this figure is bare- 
foot, wears a long simple belted gown and holds a sickle in his right 
hand, the figure of a winged angel in his left. Above the main figure 
is a large head, with hair and beard arranged like rays, resting on the 
serrated edge of a sickle. 



50 INTRODUCTION 



5. (fol. 90"^) Picture five shows a pope standing on a pedestal wearing a 
chasuble and tiara, holding a staff with cross in his right hand, with left 
hand upraised in blessing. A cow or ox with horns is to the figure's 
right, with its face directed towards the pope. 

6. (fol. 90'') Picture six shows a king at the right, holding his robes to his 
body. To the king's right is a bear with open mouth, and five suckling 
cubs. 

7. (fol. 91"^) Picture seven shows. a building, perhaps a church, with three 
towers, but no cross, windows but no doors. In the middle directly 
below this building is a head, either hooded or contained within some 
sort of vessel, blowing upwards. 

8. (fol. 91^) Picture eight shows on the far right a pope, wearing chasuble 
and tiara, holding a staff with cross in one hand and a scroll (?) in the 
other. In the middle at the bottom is an animal, looking like a cross 
between a dog and a bear, mouth open, facing away firom the pope. To 
the left of the animal are two outstretched hands. Above the animal and 
taking up considerable space are three long crossed stafis with banners. 

9. (fol. 92*^) Picture nine shows a large empty chair or throne. Below it 
and to the left is an outstretched hand. 

10. (fol. 92^) Picture ten shows a man dressed only in a long cloth firom 
waist to knee. The man has no visible tonsure, is bearded, barefoot, and 
seated on a rectangular sarcophagus (?). To the figure's immediate right 
is a rectangle, twice as long as it is wide, with a double-barred cross 
inside. Above the man and rectangle is a six-pointed star in black. To 
the main figure's left is a small figure in a long loose robe, arms crossed, 
one foot resting on the sarcophagus. 

11. (fol. 93"^) Picture eleven shows an angel holding a tiara in one hand 
and a scroll (?) in the other, more or less seated on the torso of a beast 
with no legs but with a bear's head at each end. Two dogs are just 
below and in front, back to back, dogs being distinguished firom bears 
by the the shape and position of their ears. The dog is identical to the 
animal in picture eight. 

12. (fol. 93^) Picture twelve shows on the left a pope, wearing chasuble 
and tiara, one hand holding a staff with cross, the other upraised in 
blessing. To the pope's left and of equal size is an angel with a nimbus, 
one hand on the pope's tiara, the other holding a standard or sceptre 
ending in a modified J/ewr de lis. 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS M 

13. (fol. 94*^) Picture thirteen shows a pope with nimbus, wearing a chasu- 
ble and tiara, seated on a bench, with one hand upraised, the other 
holding a book. Behind him is a decorated arras, held by an angel (of 
equal size with the pope) on either side. 

14. (fol. 94^) Picture fourteen shows a pope, wearing a chasuble and 
mitre, holding a tall tiara in one hand and a book in the other. 

15. (fol. 950 Picture fifteen, if it in fact does belong to the series, appar- 
ently is drawn by a second artist. It shows an animal, a beaver, with 
webbed hind feet and a flat tail. The animal is not centered on the 
page, rather it is in the lower left of the page, facing the inner margin, 
with either whiskers or rays coming firom its muzzle. 

D. Oxford, Bodleian LroRARY, MS Douce 88, fols. 140^-146^ 

Descriptions: A Catalogue of Printed Books . . . Bequeathed by Francis 
Douce, Esq. to the Bodleian Library (Oxford, 1840), vol. 2, 10-12 for 
a table of contents; A Summary Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the 
Bodleian Library (Oxford, 1897), vol. 4, 516-517; O. Pacht and J.J.G. 
Alexander, Illuminated Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library (Oxford, 
1973), vol. 3, 45, no. 487; Lemer, "On the Origins," 633. Prove- 
nance: Montague Rhodes James, The Ancient Libraries of Canterbury 
and Dover (Cambridge, 1903), 290, no. 70. 

The Genus nequam prophecies occupy a very small part, seven folios, of 
a large miscellany, 215 x 165 millimeters, written on paper in a number of 
thirteenth- and late thirteenth-early fourteenth-century hands. The calendar 
which opens the volume, and which must have been part of another vol- 
ume at one time, is dated 1336, but much of the rest of the volume seems 
more likely to be later thirteenth or early fourteenth century. The catalogue 
divides this manuscript into five uneven parts, beginning with the calendar, 
but, apart from a few mutilated pages, missing pages, and interpolations, and 
apart from the preliminaries, the book has the look of a whole. ^'^ 

Parts B, C, and D may once have been a part of the same volume; the 



^^ Except for the decoration on folios 50-51, the decorated initials and flourishes are very 
similar in style. See below, n. 25. The decorated initials in the second bestiary and elsewhere are 
similar to those in the Genus nequam prophecies section. The pictures in the first bestiary are 
more accompUshed than those in the second, and there are, as well, differences in the flourishes 
of the decorated initials; on EngUsh and French styles of pen flourishing, see Sonia Scott- 
Fleming, Ttie Analysis of Pen Flourishing in Thirteenth-Century Manuscripts (Leiden, 1989), 25 and 
elsewhere. 



52 INTRODUCTION 



testimony of the Catalogue of the Abbey of St. Augustine gives evidence 
that the section of the manuscript containing the Genus nequam prophecies 
(E) was a part of that Hbrary shortly before 1497. The table of contents in 
the Abbey catalogue corresponds to items nine through twenty-nine in the 
Douce catalogue, that is, foHos 68-154.^"^ Thus the manuscript can be di- 
vided into two parts, one of which we know was a unit before 1497. There 
are, as well, some connections between the two parts. The decorated initials 
are in a number of instances very similar, although it is very clear that the 
artist of the bestiary in part one is considerably more accomplished than the 
illustrator of the bestiary in part two.^'' 

The prophecies themselves begin on folio 140^ with no preliminaries. 
The heading is the caption for the first prophecy: "Ypocrisis habundabit. 
Incipit principium malorum." The two-and-one-half Hne initials for the 
opening word of each prophecy are alternating blue and red, and are lightly 
decorated with flourishes, with touches of blue and red wash. Within each 
prophecy, division signs (paragraph signs) are alternately blue and red or are 
filled in with pale washes of of color. There are remnants of marginal rul- 
ings on the sides of pages, as well as some Hne ruHngs, and the upper edge 
of the manuscript shows some signs of trimming. The figures are outlined 
in ink and filled in with pale washes of red, blue, green, and light brown. 
The illustrations themselves show no particular finesse: the main figures 
stand on small pedestals or on Hghtly defined ground Hues, and the integra- 
tion of the parts in each image is awkwardly managed.^^' In all, the illus- 
trations show htde evidence of the professional miniaturist, and they may 
well in fact have been drawn by the scribe. 

The manuscript is undoubtedly of EngHsh origin; determining a date 
within the termini, 1277-1320, suggested by Lemer, is more difficult.^'^ In 
a recent bibUography, "Manuscripts of Western Medieval Bestiary Ver- 
sions," the bestiary in the first part of this manuscript is identified as be- 
longing to the Second Family version (principally thirteenth-century 
manuscripts), and the bestiary in the second part of Douce 88 to the Third 



-'' I was able to check the description in James, Ancient Libraries, giving the notations in the 
"Catalogue of the Abbey of St. Augustine," against the Bodleian Library's copy of this catalogue. 

-'' For Part 2, compare the decorated initial / on folio ST with that beginning unit four of 
the Genus nequam prophecies; also the animal on foHo 73' with that in picture six. 

-'' The illustrations for the bestiary on folios 70^-115' are also crudely done. 

-■^ Lemer, "On the Origins," 633; see Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 61-70, 97-104. 
Rehberg follows Lerner's dating of the Douce MS and assumes therefore that the addition of 
popes to the prophecies happened earlier in England than in. Italy (102). See Rehberg, " 'Kardi- 
nalsorakel'," 65-67, for correspondences between the pictures associated with the cardinal pro- 
phecies and the first six pictures in the Douce MS. 



DESCRI PTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 53^ 

Family version (all manuscripts are thirteenth and fourteenth century) .^^ 
Perhaps a detailed analysis of the five manuscripts in this group might nar- 
row the dates for the Douce version. 

The version of the Genus nequam prophecies, text and image, in this 
manuscript is almost identical with that in the Corpus Christi manuscript. 
On the basis of textual and iconographic evidence, neither is a copy of the 
other, but both must be based on a very similar exemplar. There are two 
important features that distinguish this version from that of C: 1) the 
presentation of unit one, including the form of the caption, a detail of the 
iconography, and the addition of a short verse above the image, is unique 
to D; and 2) D gives the long form of the captions (as opposed to the short 
form in C). 

The picture for unit one shows five suckling cubs in D, four in C, mak- 
ing the Douce version, at least in this instance, closer to the version referred 
to in the commentary on the cardinal prophecies. Above the image, the 
Douce scribe also adds a brief verse on the pastoral staff, inc. In baculi forma, 
which, according to Lemer, is known solely firom another English MS,^'^ 
and the pope is identified as Nicholas III. For unit one the arrangement of 
the long and short forms of the motto in D is also unique to it: what usu- 
ally constitutes the amplification, "Ypocrisis habundabit," is centered above 
the text and set off by pointing. What is apparently the original short form, 
"Incipit principium malorum," heavily abbreviated, is squeezed into the 
remaining space between "habundabit" and the right margin. 

At this point, at least, only the form of the captions gives clues to the 
dating of this version. The long form of the captions was in circulation 
before 1317, for Pipini makes reference to them. The short form of the 
caption must be the earlier version: the Leo Oracles have only one-word cap- 
tions; the commentary on the cardinal prophecies refers to the short form 
only, the Visio fratris Johannis makes no reference to the captions, short or 
long; the Liber de Flore (ca. 1304/1305) refers to two of the short forms. The 
form of the captions then would suggest a date no earlier than 1304—1305 
for the version recorded in D, unless the longer forms were added later. 



-" Willene B. Clark and Meradith T. McMunn, eds., Birds and Beasts of the Middle Aj^es: Vie 
Bestiary and its Legacy (Philadelphia, 1989), 197-200, the list of manuscripts based in part on 
Florence McCulloch, Medieval Latin and French Bestiaries (Chapel Hill, 1962); see also Clark and 
McMunn, "Bibliography of Bestiary Studies Since 1962," Birds and Beasts, 205-214; see also 
Hassig, Medieval Bestiaries; and see above, n. 23 for similarities between decorated initials in the 
second bestiary with those in the Genus nequam section. 

■'^ Lerner, "On the Origins," 633. 



54 INTRODUCTION 



For the most part the Douce scribe seems to distinguish the two. parts of 
the captions, either by leaving a space or by a period. The other manu- 
scripts which have the long form of the caption generally do not make this 
distinction, but treat the caption as a single sentence. There is no firm evi- 
dence to assume that these captions were added later, even though the 
longer form of the caption on occasion has a tacked-on look, particularly in 
units one and eight. For unit eight, the short and long forms, while cen- 
tered in the space above the text, are not quite on the same line. The long 
form is omitted entirely for unit two, and the single word "Sanguis" is 
centered in the space above the text. On the other hand, the form of the 
caption for unit five would suggest the scribe had access to the long form 
all along, for although the texts of units four and five are run together, the 
scribe has no trouble accommodating the seven-word caption. Furthermore, 
in this instance, the one-word caption has been expanded from "Elatio" to 
"Elatio paupertatis" followed by pointing, the rest of the caption,"^" and 
rubrication marking the beginning of the text of unit five. 

The question remains: were the longer forms added on later or were 
they a part of the version the D scribe records firom the beginning? The 
evidence is inconclusive, but the physical evidence, the pattern of centering 
the captions above the main text, apart firom the instances of units one and 
eight, points to the latter conclusion. The caption for unit five is important 
here, for, as noted above, the scribe has no problem accommodating the 
long form of the caption, and the rubrication marking the main text is in- 
dented fourteen spaces from the margin. If the scribe had simply left space 
between the two run-on texts, and then had filled in that space with the 
captions, one would have expected the rubrication for the main text to 
have begun a line or to have been indented less deeply. 

Lemer has argued that the Douce scribe must have worked firom two 
exemplars, i.e., one with short captions and one with the long form. Al- 
though the evidence is not adequate to settle the question with certainty, 
the form of the caption in unit five, an important textual variant in unit 
eleven (the reading of "virtus" for "unctus"), and the differences between 
the two series of images (they are not simply additions), all suggest a single 
exemplar. It does seem clear, however, that the Douce scribe did not 
understand the significance of the longer captions, particularly that of cap- 
tion five. The longer form of this caption is usually read as pointing to 
Celestine V; yet the iconography of the conflated images of units four and 



^** One detail of caption five links D with L: both read "gule" for "castrimargie"; DuCange 
gives "gulae concupiscenda" for "castrimargja." 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 55 

five (in both C and D) certainly gives no indication that the copyist knew^ 
of the connection betv^een the text and image and Celestine V. 

The D scribe's exemplar must, however, have looked very much Hke 
the version in C. Except for two readings, one in prophecy one and one in 
prophecy eleven,-'' all the other textual differences are minor, and, like 
Corpus Christi 404, Douce presents a "pristine" version of the text, one 
with very few unique readings. Douce also shares with Corpus Christi 404 
the peculiarities of arrangement, both of text and picture, noted in the de- 
scription of Corpus Christi 404. 

Apart firom the difference noted in unit one, the images in the Corpus 
Christi and Douce manuscripts are very similar. Several minor differences in 
the content of the pictures, however, deserve notice: 1) the eagle atop the 
tiara in picture three has a cross next to it (the eagle in the Corpus Christi 
copy has a nimbus, but no cross); 2) in picture twelve the angel sits on a 
cloud, holding the tiara, and above the tiara is an eagle in flight (there is no 
cloud or eagle in the Corpus Christi copy, and the angel holds a tiara and 
a scroll). Both the cross in picture three (with a small variation) and the 
eagle in picture twelve are elements found in the corresponding pictures of 
the Leo Oracles, placing the Douce version, then, marginally closer to the 
Leo Oracles than is the Corpus Christi version. 

The other differences between the two sets of pictures are mostly mat- 
ters of style. Although the pictures in Douce are crudely drawn, there is on 
occasion more decoration than in the corresponding pictures in Corpus 
Christi 404, i.e., the pedestals, as well as the sarcophagus in picture ten, are 
decorated in Douce, plain in Corpus Christi 404. 

In sum, then, there is little indication of how the scribe or the antholo- 
gizer read these prophecies. There is no particular order to the manuscript 
nor is there any apparent principle of arrangement, and there is nothing in 
the manuscript as a whole or in the presentation of the prophecies in par- 
ticular to tell us why the scribe copied them out or how he read them.-'^ 



^' For prophecy one, see above p. 22. Douce adds "sicut adulatores" to the sentence "Sicut 
autem bene manens canes nutris novas et habeas istos in medio tempestatum." In prophecy elev- 
en, Douce reads, "Et revelabitur virtus" where Corpus Christi 404 reads "Et revelabitur utictus." 

•'" Could it be that he was simply attracted to the animals represented in the pictures, as a 
curiosity similar to the marvels of the world, represented elsewhere in the manuscript? On recent 
interest in medieval miscellanies, particularly discussions on order and coherence, see Barbara A. 
Shailor, "A Cataloger's View," in 77ie Whole Book, ed. Stephen G. Nichols and Siegfried Wen- 
zel, 153-167. 



56 



INTRODUCTION 



Description of the Pictures 

See description of Corpus Christi 404: differences in content are noted 
below. 

picture one: five suckling bears in Douce, four in CC 404. 

picture three: a cross to the right of the eagle in Douce and no 

nimbus, 
picture nine: the pope holds what may be a large seal in Douce, a 

scroll in CC 404; two hands, palms extended, are at the 

pope's left in Douce (extended toward the inner margin) 

and to the pope's right in CC 404 (extended towards 

the animal), 
picture twelve: the angel sits on a cloud in Douce and there is an eagle 

(?) in flight in the upper left of the picture where there 

is no bird in CC 404. 

The effect of three other images is slightly different in the Douce copy firom 
that in the Corpus Christi copy, although this difference may be simply a 
result of style or the artist's competence: 

picture four/five: the severed head in the Douce copy has hair similar to 
that of the other figure in the image; the head in CC 
404 has hair like flames. 

picture six: the cow in the Douce copy is positioned differently, and 

the effect could be seen as more threatening; in the CC 
404 copy, all four feet are on the ground line. 

picture seven: the position of the king's head and right hand are differ- 

ent in Douce, inclining towards the bear and young. 

And, of course, there is no beaver on an additional leaf, as there is in 
Corpus Christi 404. (Numbering is that of the units as they are generally 
represented, rather than the numbering unique to this group.) 



F. Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 1222B, fols. 1*^-8^ 

Description: S. Morpurgo, Indici e Cataloghi 15, Biblioteca Riccardiana 
(Rome, 1893), Vol. 1, fasc. 4, 293; Maria Luisa Scuricini Greco, 
Miniature riccardiane (Florence, 1958), 213—214; Gosbert Schiissler, 
"Reform und Eschatologie in einer Vaticinienhandschrift des friihen 
Trecento: MS. 1222B der BibHoteca Riccardiana in Florenz," in 
Ernst Ullmann, Von der Macht der Bilder (Leipzig, 1983), 39-53. 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 57^ 

This manuscript of eight pages measures 210 x 145 milHmeters and has 
a damaged first page. Of ItaHan origin, it bears no title on its first page, 
although "profezie dell'Abate Giochimo" has been added in a modem hand. 
With the exception of page one, the text occupies the top third of each 
page; on the lower two-thirds is a roughly drawn picture. There are no 
captions or headings. 

Riccardiana is the only fourteenth-century manuscript under considera- 
tion to include identifications of the popes and/or descriptions of the illus- 
trations appended to the text and apparently in the same hand as that of the 
main text. There are secondary identifications of popes in a much later cur- 
sive hand. The last pope identified by this later hand is Innocent VI (1352- 
1362). It seems fair to assume that the popes were identified by the earlier 
hand through Benedict XI and perhaps Clement V (1305-1314), depending 
on how one interprets the abbreviation above picture eight, and that some 
of these identifications were erased partially or fully as the second glossator 
sought to bring them up to date, omitting some popes in the historical se- 
quence in order to end with Innocent VI. 

The hand is a regular one of the early part of the century, although 
some of the identifications are not as smooth in execution as is the main 
part of the text. The pictures show no evidence of being done by a pro- 
fessional illuminator; if it were not for the lack of correspondence between 
some of the descriptions of the pictures added at the end of some of the 
texts and the pictures as they actually appear, one would be tempted to say 
the pictures were executed by the scribe. They are awkwardly drawn and 
lightly colored in with greens and pale reds predominating. The initials are 
built-up two-line initials with no decoration. The built-up initial is fol- 
lowed by a letter at least a line and a half high, and then the letters assume 
a regular size. The identifications and any description of the pictures imme- 
diately follow the text. The secondary, later, identifications are written in 
next to the illustrations in whatever space was available. 

The chief characteristic of this scribe is his attempt to interpret or gloss 
what he was copying. On occasion, he inserts a vel followed by a paraphrase 
or explanatory clause. In text number five, for example, the first sentence 
reads "Vide iterum alienum modum existentis falcem magnam et rosam 
manu qui est manna, vel hoc interpretatur idest quid est hoc erit miraculum magnum 
quam fert." The italicized words are this scribe's addition. In this same sen- 
tence all the other early witnesses read "existentis modum"; Riccardiana 
alone transposes these words. In the remainder of text five, except for 
reading "Tres tres annos" for "tres autem annos" and "vives" for "vivens" 
in the last sentence, none of Riccardiana's other readings is unique. Thus, 



58 INTRODUCTION 



although Riccardiana, along with Yale, Marston 225, has statistically the 
greatest number of variant readings, the statistical summary does not ac- 
curately reflect the ways in which Riccardiana's readings differ from the 
others. In the last example cited above, the Riccardiana scribe makes two 
sentences from the sentence that is elsewhere a single sentence by changing 
"vivens" to "vives." The "Tres tres annos" for "Tres autem tres annos," 
given the rest of the textual evidence, might or might not be an error. The 
transposition of "existentis modum" probably is an error in copying. 

The textual evidence here is complex, for, as in the above instance, the 
unique reading of "vives" (unique, that is, of the nine copies) agrees with 
the reading of "vives" in the fifth unit of the commentary on the cardinal 
prophecies (V:116). On the other hand, the commentary quotes "Tres 
autem annos vives" rather than "Tres tres annos vives." A number of other 
readings, some more significant than others, connect the Riccardiana copy 
to the text quoted in the commentary. The most striking example is the 
reading of "collateralis" in the opening Une of unit four (cf IV:82), as noted 
earlier.^-^ Iconographic evidence, as well, connects this copy to the com- 
mentary, particularly for images one, two, and three.-^"* 

The Riccardiana scribe apparently identified the popes through Benedict 
XI (1303-1304) and perhaps through Clement V (1305-1314), although the 
identifications for both Boniface VIII and Benedict XI have been partially 
erased. Above picture number eight, that of a besieged city, is an abbrevi- 
ation: .IT}. (5 -^^ There are no further identifications until picture number 
eleven, which reads "papa nudus," perhaps simply a description.-^^' For 
picture number twelve, the identification or description reads "papa cum 
ovibus ante et cum metria in manu,"-^^ a description which does not cor- 
respond to the image below it. Above picture number thirteen is "papa 
coronatus ab angelo," which does correspond to the picture represented 
below. Text and picture correspond in number fourteen, as the description 



•^^ See above, "Relation of MSS," pp. 28-29. 

•''* See Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 68-69, on this point. 

^^ Here I am grateful for the opinion of John Monfasani, and to him as weU for double- 
checking my notes on the erasures in the manuscript when he was in Florence. The first letter 
or symbol in this group is very similar (although slighdy more angular) to the uppercase "M" in 
unit two (fol. 1"), the "M" in "Miserabiliter"; it lacks only the distinctive decoration of vertical 
lines within the space of the letter. Cf the second letter with the "V" in the identification of 
"Cele.stine V," unit five (fol. 3'). 

^'' Hugh of Novocastro also identifies this figure as "papa nudus" {Tractatus, Lib. II, cap. 28); 
see above, "The Prophecies," n. 6. 

•^^ ante or autem? The word is abbreviated and thus there is the possibility of confusion be- 
tween the abbreviations for ante and autem, but in this case the abbreviation is consistent with the 
abbreviations for autem elsewhere in the manuscript, thus requiring editorial emendation here. 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 59 

reads "papa cum duobus angelis." The description in number fifteen reads 
"papa cum libro in manu et cum metria," although the pope in the picture 
holds, instead of a book, a staff terminating in the episcopal cross. -^^ There 
is no mention of the curious animal with human face and pecuHar headdress 
at the bottom left of the page. 

The discrepancies between image and description in prophecies twelve 
and fifteen constitute a puzzle. The description in number twelve notes a 
pope with sheep; the image shows an angel, holding a papal tiara, above a 
sarcophagus surmounted by an arrangement of two arcs with four animal 
heads emitting flames or rays. Unless the animal heads are those of sheep, it 
is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the Riccardiana scribe either knew 
of or was looking at a different picture than the one drawn below this text. 
And if such were the case, it was a picture represented by none of the other 
fourteenth-century witnesses. Other fourteenth-century versions of this pic- 
ture do show a pope holding a tiara over the heads of animals, in two in- 
stances over four rabbits, but usually over a combination of bears and dogs. 
Fifteenth-century versions routinely show sheep. The image as drawn in 
Riccardiana has strong connections to that in both the Corpus Christi and 
Douce manuscripts as well as to the image in the Lambecius version of the 
Leo Oracles. 

All evidence then points to the execution of this manuscript in the early 
part of the fourteenth century, no later than 1314, if the abbreviation above 
picture eight refers to Clement V, and as early as 1304-1305, if it does not. 
The scribe's descriptions of pictures twelve and fifteen suggest one exem- 
plar, and, at least for some of the pictures, another. An additional possibility 
is that the hand of the descriptions is a somewhat later one, or even the 
same scribe writing at a later date"^*^ and "correcting" the image which fol- 
lows. If such is the case, however, why not "correct" as well the image in 
picture four? 

As far as the pictures are concerned, this manuscript provides a bridge 
between the version of the Genus nequam prophecies witnessed by the 
Corpus Christi and Douce manuscripts and almost all the others. It has one 
of the distinctive features of English manuscripts in its version of picture 



^" Millet and Rigaux ("Aux origines," 140) suggest that the painter deliberately made this 
substitution because the sceptre is a more visible sign of power. 

•*' Again, John Monfasani agrees with me that the main hand and the hand of the descrip- 
tions seem to be one and the same. The description for number twelve, "papa cum ovibus ante 
et cum metria in manu," is in a shghdy smaller script than that of the text before it, suggesting, 
perhaps, that the scribe fit it in the space available after the picture was drawn. The placement 
of the description above picture fourteen, "papa cum duobus angelis," also suggests it might have 
been added in the space available after the picture was executed. 



60 INTRODUCTION 



twelve; yet the description of picture twelve, apart from the sheep, corres- 
ponds to that in the other manuscripts. For picture eleven, the Riccardiana 
manuscript, unlike the two English ones, shows a nude figure emerging 
from a cave, which is identified as the "papa nudus." This change, along 
with the identification of the figure in picture number five as Celestine V, 
points to an interpretation of pictures and texts different from that of the 
two English manuscripts. Here there is a Franciscan resonance, and an 
emphasis on the angelic pope missing in the other two."^^' There is, as well, 
the addition of the curious beast in picture fifteen, with the word "anti- 
christ" on its torso. The form this beast takes, as noted elsewhere, is 
unusual, and is not drawn from the considerable repertoire of represen- 
tations of Antichrist in the illustrated Apocalypses of the period; rather it is 
an inverse image of the Lamb of God. "^^ 

If this manuscript is as early as 1304—1305, then it is the first to present 
features of a Franciscan iconography (in picture eleven) and to represent the 
apocalyptic beast, which was to become a regular feature, in picture fifteen. 
The evidence of the Lunel manuscript provides a sUghtly different version 
of the evolution of the beast in picture fifteen and would suggest a later 
date for the Riccardiana version, a date closer to 1314."^^ 

Description of the Pictures 

1. (fol. 1"^) Picture one occupies the lower right-hand comer of the 
damaged first page. The parts of the drawing are separate rather than 
integrated. The partial figure of the pope wears the papal tiara (old 
style, here as elsewhere); one arm is outstretched, the other holds a 
book. To the right is a bear with youn^. 

2. (fol. 1^) Picture two shows a pope in chasuble and tiara, holding a 
book. To the right is a snake -like serpent with knots in its middle, 
two birds attacking its head and eyes. 



^" See above, "Relation of Manuscripts," n. 23: this resonance is enhanced by the 
identification of the figure in picture five with Celestine V and by the identification of the figure 
in picture eleven with "papa nudus." See also Schussler, "Reform und Eschatologie," 44-45. 

"^ See below, "Picture Tradition," 111-114. 

''- Lerner, "On the Origins," 628, 634, prefers the earlier date, 1304-1305; Rehberg's recent 
work on the cardinal prophecies supports the earlier date as well; Schiissler ("Reform und Escha- 
tologie," 42) follows Grundmann in dating this copy to sometime after the pontificate of Bene- 
dict XI (1303-1304) and before that of Clement V (1305-1314). There is no background dec- 
oration in the Florentine manuscript's miniatures, so the beast could have been a later addition 
to the image, added perhaps at the same time the first set of "corrected" identifications were 
made. No erasure would have been required. 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 61 



3. (fol. T) Picture three shows a pope in the center, wearing chasuble 
and tiara with an eagle perched on top of the tiara. To the pope's right 
is a figure of equal size in secular dress, hands outstretched and touch- 
ing the pope. To the pope's right is a unicorn, with horn touching the 
pope's eye. 

4. (fol. 2") Picture four shows a large decorated goblet-shaped object 
with a large curved piece extending three-quarters of the way over it. 
Below this curved piece and within the vessel is the bust of a tonsured 
and bearded figure. 

5. (fol. 3"^) Picture five shows a tonsured and bearded figure, dressed in a 
robe with a V-necked tunic, holding a sickle in one hand and a cluster 
of five roses (described by the scribe as manna) in the other. An angel 
with nimbus is at the figure's shoulder. 

6. (fol. 3"') Picture six shows a pope wearing chasuble and tiara. To the 
pope's right and constituting two-thirds of the image is a large 
marked-off rectangular space. In the lower portion of this space is a 
cow or ox with horns and perhaps a human face turned towards the 
viewer. At the top and above the upper line of the rectangle are busts 
of two figures, each wearing a mitre. 

7. (fol. 4"^) Picture seven shows a large figure of a pope wearing chasuble 
and tiara. To the left is the smaller figure of a bear and its suckling 
cub. 

8. (fol. 4'') Picture eight shows a besieged fortress or city, with a figure 
in a tower dropping rocks firom it. At the bottom right is a head with 
"breath" or rays directed at the fortress-city, again very crudely drawn. 
Above the image are two symbols or abbreviations: Q^ ^^ 

9. (fol. 5"^) Picture nine shows a pope wearing chasuble and tiara, holding 
a key in one hand and a book or a scroll in the other. To the side is 
a fox, standing on its hind legs, with a key balanced on its head and 
holding a banner with a large rectangular cross on it. 

10. (fol. 5^) Picture ten shows another crudely drawn fortress or city 
similar in overall shape to the one in picture eight but against what 
may be a background of hills. To one side and in the upper comer of 
the image is a shield pierced by three outstretched arms directed 
toward the fortress-city. 

11. (fol. 6*^) Picture eleven shows a naked man emerging from a roughly 
drawn cave of rocks, arms awkwardly turned about himself. The man 



62 INTRODUCTION 



is bearded but with no visible tonsure. To the side is a figure wearing 
a short belted robe; it is clear this figure has no tonsure. Above the 
second figure is a six-pointed star. 

12. (fol. 6'') Picture twelve shows a rectangular sarcophagus, surmounted 
by two large curved pieces (or arcs) ending in animal heads with 
well-defined muzzles or faces. Their mouths are open and apparently 
emit flames. In the middle of the curve is an angel with nimbus, hold- 
ing a papal tiara in one hand; the other hand is extended in blessing or 
a pointing gesture. 

13. (fol. T) Picture thirteen shows, to one side, a pope wearing a chasuble 
and tiara, kneeling, hands extended in prayer. The pope is being 
crowned by a large angel in a robe and with nimbus. 

14. (fol. T) Picture fourteen shows a pope wearing chasuble and tiara, 
apparently kneeling, facing the viewer, hands together. The pope is 
being crowned by two angels, both with nimbus, both in simple 
robes, one bearing a large simple cross against one shoulder. Above the 
tiara is the symbol or abbreviation"3/7 •• The same symbol occurs at 
the end of the text. ' 

15. (fol. ^^) Picture fifteen shows a pope wearing chasuble and tiara, arms 
extended, taking up the width of the page. He holds a tiara in one 
hand and a cross with three crossbars in the other. To the bottom left 
is an animal with human face, with a headdress or crown often horns 
(?) with "anti-christ" lettered on its torso. Above the pope's tiara is the 
symbol or abbreviation ^ J^T) , (similar to one of the symbols above 
picture eight, noted above). . 

L. LUNEL, BiBLIOTHEQUE DE LOUIS MEDARD A LA 
BiBLIOTHlfeQUE MUNICIPALE, MS 7, FOLS. 4^^-19'', 22^ 

Description: Catalogue General des Manuscrits des Bibliotheques Publiques 
de France (Paris, 1886 — ), vol. 31, 168. Francois Avril, "Les manu- 
scrits enlumines de la collection Medard a la bibliotheque de Lunel," 
in La Bibliotheque de Louis Midard cl Lunel (Montpellier, 1987), 163- 
168. Provenance: Southern France, perhaps Avignon, 1315-1320 (Av- 
ril); Library of Louis Medard; given to the BibHotheque Municipale, 
Lunel, by Jean-Louis Medard in 1834. 

This manuscript is in two parts: the first part contains the Genus nequam 
prophecies, followed by a series of thirteenth-century texts, including the 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 63 

pseudo-Hildegard "Insurgent gentes," and a text attributed to Joachim of 
Fiore, inc. "In die ilia elevabitur draco repletus furore," and the second, in 
a different hand, a group of prophecies also attributed to Joachim of Fiore. 
The title page (folio I'') is sixteenth century or later. The manuscript has 
been described briefly by Francois Avril ("Manuscrits enlumines"), who 
dates it to the period 1315-1320. The first section is written on vellum, the 
second section (beginning fol. 23^) on paper, which suggests that the two 
parts, although perhaps contemporary, were executed separately and later 
bound together."^-^ 

The set of Genus nequam prophecies begins on folio 3"^, "Incipit liber 
prophetiarum papalium," followed by the caption "Ypocrisia habundabit," 
then "Liber primus," and the text of prophecy number one. On folio 4^ is 
a full-page image of a pope and three bears, identified within the image as 
Nicholas III. Some notes in Latin and in a later hand have been added to 
the bottom and side of the page. At the bottom of picture fifteen (foHo 
19*^) is the line, in red, "Explicit liber ymaginum papaHum." On folio 19^ 
begins the series of texts including the pseudo-Hildegard and Joachite 
prophecies. The "In die ilia elevabitur draco repletus" text is followed by 
what in the Monreale and Vatican (3819) manuscripts is the sixteenth pic- 
ture of the Genus nequam sequence, an animal with a human face, wearing 
a crown, usually identified as the Antichrist. 

With the exception of prophecy and picture number one, each of 
which takes up a full page, all the prophecies are arranged in the same way 
on the page: caption in red, decorated initial, text, and picture below the 
text. Five of the pictures have substantial borders with images of grotesques, 
as does the text of prophecy one. The border of picture one, for instance, 
shows two headless winged beasts facing one another; in the center is a 
large crowned head with three faces, one face to each side and one frontal. 
This same head is repeated in the border of picture eleven, the first of the 
"angelic" popes."^"^ 



'••' Avril, "Manuscrits enlumines," 164. (I am grateful to Robert Lemer for calling this article 
to my attention.) This second group, perhaps in several hands, includes a number of Joachite 
prophecies, including copies of three short prophecies found on fols. 19^-20^ in the first part as 
well as a crude copy of the animal with crown and human face. It also has a number of blank 
pages. The foliation doubles 19, but as the second fol. 19 is blank and the next text is on the 
folio numbered 20, this enumeration is followed. 

^^ There is some uncertainty as to the significance of the various elements in the border 
decorations. Robert Calkins thinks that they are purely decorative; for a contrasting view of 
border decoration in general, see Michael Camille, Imaf^e oti the Edge: Tfie Margins of Medieval Art 
(Cambridge, Mass., 1992), 9 and elsewhere. The same artist undoubtedly did miniature, border 
and decorated initial, and perhaps the rubrication (the caption above the text). The border is 
integrated into the miniature, separated only by lurrow bands. The pattern of decoration makes 



64 INTRODUCTION 



The hand is a clear one and easy to read. There are several lacunae in the 
text, but on the whole, although it is a text with a fair number of unique 
readings, these tend to be omissions and/or erroneous readings. Although 
the manuscript is related iconographically to the Monreale (P) and Vatican 
(V=3819) witnesses, the Lunel version does not share additions to the texts 
found in P and V, nor the omissions characteristic of the Monreale and 
Paris (N) manuscripts. For a number of prophecies there are two sets of 
captions, one at the head of the text executed by the scribe, and a second, 
contained within the picture and presumably executed by the artist. '^•^ 
Both captions are with one exception the long form, rather than the short, 
but they are not always identical. In several instances the captions above the 
texts share unusual readings with the Oxford manuscript (D),'^^' while the 
caption within the picture gives the version found in the Monreale, Paris, 
and Vatican (3819) manuscripts (NPV). In two instances (the captions for 
units nine and ten), the short portion of the captions shares important 
similarities with the captions in the Monreale and Paris copies. "^^ The only 
distinctive features of the text are the additions, "liber secundus," "liber ter- 
cius," etc., to the captions, the two versions of the captions, and the explicit 



the first twenty-two folios a unit, even though the end of the Getius nequam sequence is marked 
by an explicit on foho 19^ Mary Alberi suggested to me a connection between this three-headed 
image and the magician Hermes Trismegistus. Michael Camille, Gothic Idol, 271-277, notes the 
association of a similar image with the Templars, and accusations of idolatry brought against 
them. See also Freyhan, "Joachism and the English Apocalypse" (214), who comments on the 
significance of two-headed figures in the Alexander Apocalypse ("denoting the apocalyptic and 
the historical meaning"), as well as on the tradition of a type of Antichrist with three heads, "a 
regular feature in the Bible Moralisce" (224, n. 4); for more on the three-headed Antichrist figure, 
see Rosemary Muir Wright, Art and Antichrist in Medieval Europe (Manchester and New York, 
1995): the "three-headed Antichrist may have derived its formula from pagan images of Janus 
and guardian gods, but it expressed above all, the all-seeing and overtly human aspect of the 
Devil sent to operate in historical time, just as his precursors had operated in biblical times" 
(109). Wright and others note as well the visual tradition "which portrayed the Godhead as hav- 
ing three heads stemming from the same neck, as a symbol of the three persons of the Trinity" 
(99-100); finally, see Ruth Mellinkoff, Outcasts: Signs of Otherness in Northern European Art of the 
Late Middle Ages (Berkeley, 1993), 1:93: here a three-faced head wearing a crown, identified as 
a member of the Norwich Jewish community (see fig. III. 125, Caricature of Norwich Jews. 
Head of a roll of the Issues of the Exchequer of 1233. London. Public Record Office); see 
Wright, Art and Antichrist, 108, for further commentary on this image and its connection to the 
story of Abimelech. 

^^ The hand is similar to that of the main scribe. Captions appear within pictures 7-13, and 
15. See below, "Description of the Pictures," for these captions. 

''^' See specially the caption for unit five, the picture usually identified with Celestine V. 

'*^ See Millet and Rigaux, "Aux origines," 137-138. They argue that the way in which 
Amaud Novgarede (in his testimony after Bernard DeUcieux's arrest in 1317) "remembers" the 
captions for units nine and ten as well as certain details in the tenth picture (the position of the 
hands) suggests that the copy of the "papalarius" owned by Delicieux was in "close proximity" 
to the Lunel and Monreale copies, particularly the Lunel copy. 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 65^ 

on folio 19^. The arrangement of texts following prophecy fifteen and the 
relation of the image of the beast to the sequence of prophecies are unique 
to the Lunel manuscript. The popes are identified within the pictures firom 
Nicholas III through Clement V. 

The pictures are painted with backgrounds of strong tones of alternating 
red and blue, with the main figures executed in shades of grey, blue, and 
red. Francois Avril notes that the style of pictures is more characteristic of 
the late thirteenth century than of the fourteenth, even though he suggests 
the manuscript must have been executed after 1314, since Clement V is the 
last pope named. Avril suggests that the pictures were executed in southern 
France, perhaps Avignon, for he notes clear affinities with at least two other 
manuscripts produced in southern France at much the same time."^^ The 
iconography of the pictures is closely related to that found in the Monreale 
and Vatican (3819) manuscripts (PV), particularly in picture four which 
shows a "dolphin," and picture sixteen, the beast with the human face."^*^ 
The explicit after picture fifteen noted above makes it clear, however, that 
the scribe of the Lunel manuscript considered this picture an addition to, 
rather than a part of, the Genus nequam sequence. The Lunel and Vatican 
(3819) manuscripts also have common features in picture twelve: in each a 
seated pope (rather than a standing angel) holds the papal tiara over four 
rabbits (rather than bears or lambs). 

Avril dates this manuscript to 1315-1320, on the basis of similarities to 
the Avignon manuscripts noted above, and, of course, because Clement V 
(June 1305— April 1314) is the last pope identified in the pictures. Textual 
evidence links this copy with the Paris, Monreale, and Vatican 3819 copies, 
and, in several striking instances, in particular with the Monreale copy. 
Millet and Rigaux's connection of the version of the Genus nequam prophe- 



*" Avril, "Manuscrits enlumines," 165, 167, n. 9. The affinities he notes between this 
manuscript and a commentary of Henry de Carreto (see Bibl. Nat., MS lat. 503 and Bibl. Nat., 
MS lat. 12018) are especially interesting, for, as he points out, Henry de Carreto "defended the 
cause of the Franciscan Spirituals before Pope John XXII." For borders similar to those in the 
Lunel MS, compare a Bible from southern France dated to the last quarter of the thirteenth 
century illustrated in Lilian M. C. Randall, Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the Walters Art 
Gallery, vol. 2: France, 875-1420 (Baltimore, 1989), no. 43 (Walters MS 123), 103-105 and 
figures 89, 90. See also the frontispiece to Maurice Fau^on, La lihrairie des papes d'Avijjnon, sa 
formation, sa composition, ses catalogues (1316-142(1), vol. 1 (Paris, 1886). This miniature from Bibl. 
Nat., MS lat. 365, from Avignon, has a decorated initial very similar to those in the Lunel 
manuscript. (The miniature shows the Dominican, Grenier, offering his commentary on Genesis 
to Pope John XXII.) The "Catalogue of the Bibliotheque de Peniscola" lists in number 134 
(Faufon, Lihrairie, 2:51-52) "Item prophetia Joachim de papis," in a compilation that includes 
texts by Joachim as well as Joachite texts. 

^'^ Although the Vatican MS has features in pictures two and twelve unique to it. 



66 INTRODUCTION 



cies as represented by the Lunel and Monreale copies (and particularly the 
Lunel copy) to that copy of the "papalarius" in the possession of Bernard 
Delicieux argues for a date before 1317.^^^ 

There are a number of curious features of this manuscript. The first is a 
physical one: beginning with the second text and miniature (foHo 4"), each 
miniature faces a blank page, as if the artist were trying to protect the paint. 
Certainly these blank folios may have been added at a later date, but the 
quiring and traces of paint on these pages suggests otherwise. This same 
pattern of blank foHos continues through the first part of the manuscript to 
folio 23^ even when, after 19^, it serves no purpose. 

The second feature is of course the way in which the beast with the 
human face is appended to the sequence. The fifteenth text and picture is 
on folio 19^ followed by a clear Explicit. Then beginning on foHo 19^, in 
the same hand, is a series of five prophecies, the longest of which are the 
pseudo-Hildegard and Joachite texts'"' noted above. The pseudo-Hildegard 
prophecy was often quoted in anti-mendicant propaganda and its presence 
here is a little puzzUng.''^ Whether the Lunel scribe saw this prophecy "in 
the particular," that is, as anti-mendicant propaganda, or "in the general," 
as one of the signs of the Last Things, is impossible to determine with cer- 
tainty. Its presence in this particular sequence of texts makes the latter read- 
ing likely. 



''" Millet and Rigaux, "Aux engines," 137-138. I would argue for a date prior to the 
Council of Vienne. Elsewhere I hope to explore further both the content of the borders and the 
way in which the border decoration "brackets" prophecies five and eleven, and to show how 
both are related to issues in the foreground of the Council of Vienne. See above, "Relation of 
MSS," n. 22, also above, n. 44. 

''' Folio 22"^"^. For this text, "In die elevabitur draco repletus furore," see Leone Tondelli, 
"Profezia Gioachimita del sec. XIII delle regioni venete," Studi e Documetiti, 4 (Modena, 1940), 
3-9, text on 5-6. The version in Lunel is incomplete, and ends with the sentence "Egredietur 
in die ilia agnus de Verona et adiungetur urse virgiliane et occuret leone de Tuscia venienti et 
eo devicto spoUis leonis gaudebit et continuo ex ea filios," omitting the usual last word of the 
sentence "procreabit" and omitting, as well, the verses that usually foUow giving the date for the 
coming of the Antichrist (1250, later changed to 1360). On this prophecy see also Reeves, 
Injluence of Prophecy, 51 and notes 1-3. It is, perhaps, the presence of this text, with its reference 
to a hon, immediately preceding the picture of the beast, which causes Avril to identify the beast 
as a Hon ("Manuscrits enlumines," 164), even though the tail of the beast is much shorter than 
the typical lion's tail. 

^- For the most recent discussion of this prophecy, see Kathryn Kerby-Fulton, "Hildegard 
of Bingen and Anti-Mendicant Propaganda," Traditio 43 (1987): 386-399; also eadem, Reformist 
Apocalypticism and "Piers Plowman" (Cambridge, 1990), 156-158 and Chapter 4 passim. The 
version of the text I have consulted is in Johann Albert Fabricius, Bihiiotheca Latina mediae et 
infimae aetatis, vol. 3-4 (Florence, 1858), 243-244, to which, with minor variations, the version 
in Lunel corresponds. For other transcriptions see Kerby-Fulton, "Hildegard," 396, n. 40. 
Kerby-Fulton argues convincingly that the prophecy is a product of the "propagandist works of 
the William of St. Amour School" ("Hildegard," 393-397). 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 67 

The miniature of the beast on foUo 2T is clearly executed by the artist 
of the Genus nequam sequence, and it seems likely it is meant to be a ren- 
dering of the Antichrist. ^^ It is, as well, identical with the beasts repre- 
sented in the sixteenth pictures of the Monreale and Vatican 3919 manu- 
scripts. What makes the Lunel manuscript of special significance in the 
transmission of the Genus nequam prophecies is that it provides evidence of 
how the beast may have become incorporated into the sequence. 

Description of the Pictures 

1. (fol. 4"^) Picture one shows a pope identified as Nicholas III wearing 
the papal tiara (old style, here as elsewhere), seated on a bench, one 
hand upraised, a book in the other. There are three bears, one to 
either side, and one "attacking" the papal tiara. Below is a substantial 
border, equal to more than one-quarter of the image, containing two 
headless winged beasts facing each other; in the center is a crowned 
head with three faces, a face to either side and one firontal. There is a 
similar border at the bottom of the first text page (fol. 3"). Here, as 
elsewhere, the background is painted in alternating blocks of red and 
blue, with the main figures executed in strong shades of grey, blue, 
red, and, on occasion, green. 

2. (fol. 4^) Picture two shows a standing pope, identified as Martin IV, 
wearing the papal tiara, holding a book in one hand and a staff in the 
other. To one side is a salamander or lizard-like serpent, green with 
white spots, and with six short legs. Atop the pope's tiara is a bird 
looking down at the serpent. Below is a double border of grotesques, 
a beast attacking a detached animal head with human face, a head 
swallowing a fish, and a curious crowned head in the center of the 
lower border. 

3. (fol. 6"") Picture three shows a standing pope, identified as Honorius 
IV, wearing the papal tiara, one hand outstretched in a gesture of sup- 
plication, the other holding a book. A large bird is resting on the papal 
tiara. To one side is a unicorn, paws upraised, long horn extending to 
the top of the image. To the other side is a smaller figure, hands to- 
gether in supplication. 

4. (fol. 6^) Picture number four, labelled Nicholas IV, shows two col- 
umns with a short vessel-like column between them. The center vessel 



^^ See below, "Picture Tradition," for suggestions as to the derivation of the beast inuge. 



68 INTRODUCTION 



holds the head of a cleric. A hand extending from the right-hand col- 
umn holds the tail of a "dolphin," which extends over the head of the 
cleric to "attack" the crowned head on the left-hand column. All 
three columns are highly decorated in red and blue, white and brown. 
Below is a substantial border of tendrils and leaves; in the lower center 
is an animal head, upside down, with human features. 

5. (fol. 8*^) Picture five, identified as Celestine V, shows a tonsured figure, 
garbed in liturgical vestments, holding a sickle in one hand and a rose 
in the other. Over one arm is hung the maniple, worn during the 
celebration of the mass. The torso of an angel is in the right comer, 
hands extended to hold the rose. Below is a border with two stylized 
fish, one with human features; in the center are two heads. 

6. (fol. S"') Picture six shows a standing pope, identified as Boniface VIII, 
wearing a mitre rather than the tiara shown in pictures one through 
three, and holding a book. To the upper left are two crowned heads, 
facing away from the pope. To the mid and lower left is an ox or 
cow, hooves upraised. 

7. (fol. 10*^) Picture seven shows a standing pope, identified as Benedict 
XI, wearing the papal tiara and gesturing toward a bear with two nurs- 
ing cubs to one side. This picture also contains a caption, "Occisio filii 
balas sociabuntur." 

8. (fol. lO"") Picture eight is labelled Clement V and shows a highly 
decorated cityscape/fortress. On either side, within the towers, are 
heads of soldiers. An additional head shows in a window. The picture 
contains a caption, "Sanguis cenobia-ad locum pristinum redibunt." 

9. (fol. 12^) Picture nine shows a standing pope, wearing the papal tiara 
and gesturing towards a small fox with a bushy tail at his side. Above 
and behind the fox are three standards, two each with a cross and a 
banner, also with a small red cross, the third with Tijleur de lis at the 
end and an inscription along it reading "Vulpinam amicitiam similastis 
[sic]." The picture also contains a caption, "Occasio symonia cessabit." 
{Vulpinam fyurasti amicitiam are the opening words of this prophecy.) 

10. (fol. 12'') Picture ten shows a cityscape/fortress with many towers. To 
the left are two pairs of clasped hands, extended toward the city. A 
third pair, also clasped in a gesture of supplication, extends from one 
of the towers. The picture contains the caption "Bona gracia." 

11. (fol. 14*^) Picture eleven shows a figure, tonsured, clad in a long loin- 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 6_9 

cloth, seated on a rock. His hands are held in an orans gesture. To his 
right is a figure of the same size, dressed in a simple robe, half blue, 
half red, hands awkwardly clasped in supplication. The two figures are 
looking at one another. The picture contains the caption "Bona oratio 
thesaurus pauperibus erogabitur." Below the picture is a border of 
scrolled tendrils and leaves. In the center is a crowned head with three 
faces similar to the head in the border of picture one. 

12. (fol. 14") Picture twelve shows a seated pope, tonsured, holding the 
papal tiara over four rabbits. The pope is gesturing toward the rabbits 
with his other hand. (The hand, here as elsewhere, has characteris- 
tically long thin fingers.) The bench-like throne is highly decorated in 
red and blue with a gold-brown cushion. Incorporated into the decor- 
ation of the throne are pillars or tower-like structures as well as what 
appears to be a pair of open doors or gates. The picture contains the 
caption "Bona intentio karitas habundabit." 

13. (fol. 17"^) (no foHo number 15) Picture thirteen shows a standing pope 
being crowned with the papal tiara by an angel. Angel and pope are 
the same size. The angel, barefoot, wears clerical garments of red. The 
pope holds a book in one hand, the other hand extended in a gesture 
of supplication. The picture contains the caption, "Prehonoratio Con- 
cordia erit." 

14. (fol. I?'') Picture fourteen shows a pope, seated on an elaborately 
decorated bench, being ministered to by two angels in liturgical attire. 
The pope wears the papal tiara; the angel's hands are touching his 
shoulders and arms. The angels stand behind the bench. The decora- 
tion of the bench/throne incorporates motifs similar to those on the 
bench/throne in picture twelve. 

15. (fol. 19*^) Picture fifteen shows a standing pope, tonsured, holding a 
book in one hand and the papal tiara in the other. The picture con- 
tains the caption "Reverencie devotio augmentabitur." Below the pic- 
ture, in red, are the words "ExpHcit liber ymaginum papalium." 

16. (fol. 22") Picture sixteen shows a crowned animal with a human face, 
identified by Avril as a lion ("Manuscrits enlumines," 164). Above it 
is a text describing the tribulations of the Last Things which mentions 
the Lamb of God, a Hon and a bear and their progeny. 



70 INTRODUCTION 



M. Yale, University Library, T. E. Marston MS 225, 
FOLS. 15*^-22^ 

Description: Barbara A. Shailor, Catalogue of Medieval and Renaissance 
Manuscripts in the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale 
University, vol. 3: Marston Manuscripts, Medieval & Renaissance Texts 
& Studies vol. 100 (Binghamton, 1992), 424-431. See also Martha 
H. Fleming, "Sibylla: De Imperatore" (Ph.D. diss., Boston Univer- 
sity, 1975). 

This manuscript of forty-five vellum folios measures 179 x 121 milli- 
meters. It is bound in w^om limp vellum, account book style, and has in- 
scribed on the front cover the words "De Imperatore." An anthology of 
prophecies, this collection is unusual among fourteenth-century Joachite 
anthologies in that it is organized around the themes of savior-emperor and 
holy reforming popes. The manuscript is divided into three sections: the 
first, with a heading ".De imperatore." in red, contains a version of the 
Tiburtine Oracle with special reference to the history of Sicily (fols. 2-14"); 
the second, with no heading or attribution, contains the fifteen Genus ne- 
quam prophecies, texts and pictures (fols. 15-22"^); the third, also with no 
heading or attribution, contains a group of twenty-six prophecies (fols. 23 - 
43"^). Appended to the manuscript is the so-called 1347 revision of the 
TripoH prophecy (fols. 43"-44").5'^ 

Of particular interest is the first prophecy in the third section of the 
manuscript. It is a Latin translation of what Lambecius called the "Anony- 
mous Paraphrase of the Leo Oracles," and a text to which Paul Alexander 
has given the less misleading name of "Cento of the True Emperor. "^^ 
The Greek text of the "Cento" appears in the Lambecius edition of the Leo 



^'* Lerner, Powers of Prophecy for the history of the Tripoli prophecy; for the "redated version 
for 1347," see Lemer, Powers of Prophecy, 226-227. 

^^ Alexander, Byzantine Apocalyptic Tradition, 130-136. Lambecius based his edition of the 
"Cento" on a sixteenth-century manuscript and it is he who gave it the tide "The Anonymous 
Paraphrase of the Oracles of Leo." Alexander maintained that the text was not a summary or 
paraphrase of the Leo Oracles, although it clearly drew on them, and thus the tide "Cento of the 
True Emperor" was a less misleading tide. The "Cento" was designed, Alexander suggested, "for 
readers expecting the coming of a Messianic ruler yet aware of the Gospels' warning against 'false 
Christs' (Matt. 24:23ff.) and therefore anxious to obtain guidance as to how to distinguish the 
genuine Emperor from pretenders" {Byzantine Apocalyptic Tradition, 135). Alexander did not 
know of the version of the "Cento" in this Yale manuscript. The only other instance that I 
know in which a copy of the "Cento" immediately follows the Genus nequam prophecies is in 
London, British Library, MS Add. 39660, which gives the expanded version of thirty prophecies, 
followed by the "Cento." 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 71 

Oracles and elsewhere, but the Latin version in this Yale manuscript is, to 
my knowledge, the earliest version in Latin and predates any surviving ver- 
sion in Greek. This prophecy, inc. "De laudato paupere et electo impera- 
tore" (fols. 23-280, makes it clear that the expected ruler is a secular one; 
in somewhat later versions of this prophecy, "imperator" becomes "pastor." 
Jean de Roquetaillade cites this prophecy in his Liber Ostensor (MS Vat. 
Ross. 753, fols. 53^, 78^), giving only a few lines, and referring to the 
"pauper" as "imperator." The prophecy is found also in several fifteenth- 
century collections of prophecies, including MS Vat. lat. 3816, fols. 64—67^. 
The ordering of the sentences in the Vatican manuscript is quite different, 
although the wording is very similar. Significantly, the Vatican manuscript 
reads "pastor" for "imperator." 

The body of the manuscript is in a single hand; the Tripoli prophecy 
appended to the manuscript is in a different, somewhat later hand. Certain 
portions of the text are annotated in the margins. For the Tiburtine prophe- 
cy in part one, the annotator supplies identifications for the initials in the 
text. Of particular interest are the references to a SiciHan ruler both in the 
text and by the glossator and to a "dux de Bavaria" . . . "et tunc incipiet ini- 
tium doloris." The Genus nequam prophecies contain a number of blank 
spaces in the text and in all instances the missing words have been supplied 
in the margin by the annotator. The only other text to be annotated in 
some detail is that of the "Cento"; for the remaining prophecies, with the 
exception of a single gloss, the glossator simply supplies missing words and 
makes corrections. 

It is worth noting the likelihood of two glossators, for the hand of the 
glossator of the Tiburtine sibyl text is regular and tidy and cannot be distin- 
guished from the hand of the text itself Beginning with the gloss on folio 
21 of the Tiburtine oracle text, there is a clear shift in style. The form and 
content of the gloss changes; the letters are larger and less regular, there are 
definite differences in the formation of letters, for instance capital M and 
lower-case g. As well, missing words and corrections are supplied in addi- 
tion to identifications. It is this second glossator who continues the glosses 
in the rest of the manuscript, including the Genus nequam section, here 
supplying missing words, but making no identifications or commentary. 
There are a number of erasures in these texts, for the most part correspond- 
ing to places in the text glossed in the margins. In summary, then, there 
appear to be two glossators: the first through folio 10^ is the same as the 
hand in the text; the second beginning on foHo IT and continuing to the 
end of the manuscript in a hand different from but contemporary with the 
hand of the main text. The main scribe, wherever he was writing, might 



72 INTRODUCTION 



well have been southern French or even Italian, for he uses some character- 
istically Italian forms, i.e., "9" for medial "z." 

The dating and provenance of this manuscript are elusive,''^' but an 
examination of textual and iconographic evidence points to a date after 
1322 and certainly before 1349, most likely between 1327-1328 and 1334, 
that is, during the pontificate of John XXII. 

The physical contents and arrangement of prophecies within the manu- 
script provide one set of clues. The first section, a version of the Tiburtine 
Oracle, is distinguished from other versions by its references to Sicilian his- 
tory, ending with one to Conradin (d. 1268) and also by a reference to the 
"dux" from Bavaria. This prophecy bears the heading ".De imperatore." 
and, like the Pseudo-Methodian "program", emphasizes a savior-ruler initi- 
ating a period of renovatio before the advent of the Antichrist. 

The prophecies in part three supply additional clues for dating this manu- 
script. A prophecy on fol. 40'', known to be circulating in this form no earlier 
than 1322, provides a terminus post quern}'' Clearly the scribe knew the date 
was no longer appropriate, for a blank space, not an erasure, is left in the 
text after "MCCC." In the margin the glossator has written "1349." An- 
other prophecy, on folio 40^ gives the date 1327 within the text.^^ 

It would be an exaggeration to claim that the prophecies in part three 
constitute a clear sequence of events. The first is the longest one, the 
prophecy of a great pauper king (the Latin version of the "Cento"). The 
last few sentences of this prophecy are an addition and repeat a line found 
in unit eleven of the Genus nequam sequence (and the last line of number 
ten of the Leo Oracles). This addition would seem to connect the savior- 
emperor prophecy with the prophecy in the Genus nequam series that marks 
the "angelic" sequence. ""'^ The fifth prophecy in this last section can be 
identified with Celestine V and the sixth with Boniface VIII. The next 
group refers to a "middle period" corresponding perhaps to pictures eight, 
nine, and ten, in the papal series, although it is difficult to tell how many 



^^ Lemer suggests no earlier than the mid 1320s and no later than 1349: "On the Origins," 
635. 

"'^ Lemer, "On the Origins," 635 and idem. Powers of Prophecy, 227-231. 

^^ The 1327 date appears a second time in a prophecy on fol. 42'; this one is followed by a 
short prophecy of a "great eagle" in the "imperial court," perhaps a reference to Louis of Bavar- 
ia, making this a post eventum prophecy. If these two are not post eventum prophecies, one would 
expect either the dates to be revised (as is the case for the prophecy on fol. 40") or to be able 
to date the text earUer than 1327. 

■^■^ Bernard McGinn, " 'Pastor Angelicus'," 246-247, for a somewhat different emphasis: "In 
the Yale collection we find the papal and the imperial myths not so much intermingled as 
juxtaposed" (247). 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 73 

popes are included, perhaps only one. Tribulations will increase, and after 
a long period of suffering, prefiguring the suffering under the final Anti- 
christ, "an outstanding shepherd will sit on the throne, watched over by 
angels." The next paragraph begins with "a few more things until the end 
of the era . . .", and three additional shepherds are described as holding the 
papal office. Echoing the program and language of the Liber de Flore, they 
are described as the first, second, and third pastors following the first "out- 
standing shepherd. "^'^^ This last shepherd will yield his soul to angels on 
Mount Zion. 

The next group of prophecies backtrack in time as they appear to refer 
to historical popes. Number nineteen, with its first line a repetition of pope 
prophecy fourteen, marks the transition to future popes. The remainder of 
the prophecies describes a period of tribulation, marked by a reforming 
secular ruler, after whose reign will come the time of Antichrist. 

The prophecies in this last section appear at first glance to have little 
order, but on closer scrutiny show themselves to run more or less parallel to 
the Genus nequam sequence and can be viewed as both a summary and 
elaboration or amplification of these prophecies. The first prophecy in this 
last section seems a deliberate link between the last world emperor prophe- 
cy of part one and the Genus nequam prophecies themselves as well as the 
summary and amplification which follows. What sets these prophecies apart 
from the Liber de Flore and the much later Libellus of Telesphorus, which 
recapitulates and amplifies these, is the emphasis on a reforming ruler noted 
in both the first and last sections, and the connection between this ruler and 
the series of "outstanding shepherds."^'' 

There are a number of distinctive features in the miniatures of this 
manuscript. In number five, for instance, the Celestine V figure is shown as 
a cowled monk standing in profile, one of the clearest statements in the Ge- 
nus nequam copies. Perhaps the most problematic feature of the iconography 



^'" For a recent discussion of the Lihcr de Flore, see McGinn, " 'Pastor Angelicus'," 239-242 
and notes 51-52. The manuscript version I have used is Nuremberg, Stadtbibl. Cent. IV. 32, 
fois. 46^-70\ 

^'' For a partial edition of the Libellus, see Emil Donckel, "Studien iiber die Prophezeiung 
des Fr. Telesforus von Cosenza, O.F.M. (1365-1 386), '* AFH 26 (1933): 29-104, 284-312. See 
also Roberto Rusconi, L'Attcsa della Fine. Crist della socictd, profezia cd Apoailisse in Italia al tempo 
del gran de scisma d'Occidente (1378-1417) (Rome, 1979), 171-182. The earliest version extant is 
represented by copies in two manuscripts: Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS lat. 3184 (1396), and MS Syra- 
cuse University Von Ranke 90 (1391). On this last manuscript see R. Spence, "MS Syracuse 
Von Ranke 90 and the Libellus of Telesphorus of Cosenza," Scriptorium 33 (1979): 271-274 and 
Pi. 27. (I thank Robert Lerner for calling the Syracuse MS and this article to my attention.) A 
third copy. Vat. Lib., MS Reg. 580, has been dated as early as 1387 and as late as the early fif- 
teenth century. 



74 INTRODUCTION 



in this manuscript is the substitution of dogs for bears in several pictures, 
particularly in number one, where bears, natural symbols of the Orsini pope 
Nicholas III, are the norm. The possible significance of this change is dis- 
cussed below. ^^ 

Analysis of variants in the text shows an unusual number of variations in 
the Yale manuscript, particularly in prophecy number one. It is difficult to 
determine a pattern in these variations, but it is clear that many are not 
errors but deliberate changes. In the last sentence, for example, "dux" is 
substituted for "dominus," not an unusual substitution in itself In a sen- 
tence or two firom the end, the Yale manuscript reads, "... et manus ex- 
pandis ut servos Domini pervertas sed autem eos abiciens turpiter," the 
others "... et manus expandis quamvis pedes [with minor variations] per- 
vertas sicut abiciens te ipsum extra res [or rex]." 

The arrangement and emphasis of the prophecies in the manuscript as a 
whole, the textual and iconographic evidence within the Genus nequam 
sequence itself, then, point to the same conclusion, that the manuscript was 
put together during the pontificate of Pope John XXII and particularly 
during or shortly after the renewal of the controversy over poverty and the 
Rule. 

One would like to narrow the time and place a bit. Robert Lemer has 
summarized the arguments for southern German provenance, drawing on 
Cahn and Marrow's testimony that the miniatures show an affinity with 
those of chronicles later in the century, and the fact that the manuscript can 
be placed in southern Germany in the sixteenth century.^'"^ In spite of the 
emphasis in both the first and last sections on a savior-emperor, the negative 
reference to a leader firom Bavaria in the Tiburtine sibyl section, the vaguely 
anti-German tone of some of the prophecies in part three, and, as well, the 
number of prophecies in part three dealing with the program of holy popes 
make a south German origin less likely than a location at Avignon or its 
environs. 

A number of noble patrons might be posited, for the Spiritual Francis- 
cans both individually and collectively gained considerable support firom 
such figures as Philip of Majorca and Robert of Naples, brother of the can- 
onized Louis of Toulouse, both of whom (Philip and Robert) were unsym- 
pathetic to the aspirations of Louis of Bavaria.^'"* It seems a reasonable 



''- For the substitution of dogs for bears, see below, "Picture Tradition." 

" Lerner, "On the Origins," 635. 

^'* On the noble supporters of the Spirituals, see Oakley, "John XXII," 102, 112, and notes 
227-228. For the relation between Louis of Bavaria and the Franciscans, see Gordon Leff, Heresy 
in the Later Middle Ages: The Relation of Heterodoxy to Dissent c. 1250-c. 1450 (Manchester, 1967), 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 75^ 

hypothesis, then, that this anthology was put together by a Franciscan or 
Franciscan sympathizer, who was attracted to this combination of texts by 
a constellation of events: the renewal of the controversy over poverty and 
in particular the connections between the bulls of Nicholas III and John 
XXII; the subsequent alliance between some orthodox Franciscans and 
Louis of Bavaria,^''' whose claims to the crown of the Holy Roman Em- 
pire came to a fruition of sorts during John's pontificate; and, finally, the 
heightened debate over papal and imperial claims for supremacy. This scribe 
must have had access to texts not easily available, particularly the "Cento," 
and at least portions of a letter from Arnold of Villanova to a certain Lady 
Bartolomea, as Robert Lemer has noted/'^' Given the elegance of the 
miniatures, we can assume a wealthy patron. All these arguments would 
suggest Avignon or its environs. In or around Avignon seems the most 
likely location on other grounds as well: it is clear that the compiler of this 
manuscript drew on a variety of sources such as the Liber de Flore and the 
Horoscopus, and that Roquetaillade, writing in the mid-fourteenth century, 
drew on these same sources, and in particular on the "Cento." Unlike those 
of the compiler of the Marston manuscript, Roquetaillade 's anti-German 
and pro-French biases are very clear, and although the affinities between the 
prophecies in the third part of the Marston manuscript and the writings of 
Roquetaillade have been often pointed out, there are, as well, significant 
differences in tone and emphasis. ^'^ 

The emphasis on the two roles, those of emperor and pope, suggests, for 
the main text, a date close to 1328-1329.^'^ Paul Alexander wrote of the 
"Cento of the True Emperor" that it might have been written to provide 
guidance for those expecting the coming of a Messianic ruler in order that 
they might distinguish the genuine Emperor from pretenders.^''^ The con- 
stellation of prophecies in this Marston manuscript might well have served 
a similar function. 



vol. 1, 230-255. See also Marc Dykmans, Robert d'Arijou: la uisioti hienheureuse. Miscellanea 
Historiae Pontificiae 30 (Rome, 1970), 9-46, 66-80. 

^'^ Ockham, Marsiglio, and Michael of Cesena (head of the Franciscan order) went over to 
Louis of Bavaria's court. They had penecuted the Spirituals bitterly and continued to remain 
separate even after the break with the pope (Leff, Heresy, 1:238-255). 

^ Lerner, "On the Origins," 629-630, n. 44. 

'"' For a summary of Roquetaillade's program, see Reeves, Injluence of Prophecy, 321-325; also 
Bignami-Odier, Jt'dM de Roquetaillade, 142-156, 343-344; Lerner, "Historical Introduction," in 
Lerner and Morerod-Fattebert, eds., Rupescissa, Uhcr secrctorum, 33-36 and 60-63. 

''^ But see above, n. 54. 

^''' See above, n. 55. 



76 INTRODUCTION 



Apart from the miniatures in the Genus nequam section, the manuscript 
has httle decoration. Two-Hne built-up initials beginning each new prophe- 
cy are Hghtly decorated with pen flourishes extending primarily below the 
letters, in the case of the capital "I" beginning the first text on folio V the 
entire length of the margin^" The initials denoting divisions within the 
text are alternating blue and red. 

Description of the Pictures 

1. (fol. 15"^) Picture one shows a pope, wearing chasuble and mitre, one 
hand in blessing, the other holding a book. There is a small dog to 
each side, each sitting on its hind legs, paws upraised. A third small 
dog is in running position above the pope's mitre. The colors are a 
pale wash, soft reds, blues, and ochres predominating. Most of the 
backgrounds are either a pale wash of color or a Hghtly diapered 
pattern of three or four small circles. The borders are narrow bands, 
and just within the border on some of the miniatures is a simple pat- 
tern consisting of three circles on a central stem at intervals along the 
inner edge of the border. 

2. (fol. 15^) Picture two shows a pope wearing a chasuble and mitre. In 
one hand he holds a staff and in the other a book. To the pope's right 
is a small figure, kneehng, hands in suppHcation. To the pope's left is 
a tree with a serpent coiled about its trunk; at the top of this stylized 
tree are two birds. 

3. (fol. 16*^) Picture three shows a seated pope, wearing a cope and a 
mitre; one hand is upraised, the other holds a book. To the pope's 
right is a small kneeUng figure, arms outstretched in suppHcation. Atop 
the pope's mitre is an eagle. To the pope's left is a unicorn, standing 
on its hind legs, paws on the pope's shoulder. 

4. (fol. 16'') Picture four shows three columns of equal height. The one 
in the middle has a curved top Hke that of a vessel or bowl; and it 
supports the bust of a tonsured, Hghtly bearded monk. On the column 
to the right is a hand holding a sickle over the head of the monk. On 
the column to the left is a bust of a head wearing a mitre. 

5. (fol. 17"^) Picture five shows a tonsured and cowled monk in profile. 
His robe is unbelted, and he holds a sickle in one hand and a styHzed 



For pen flourishing typical of French manuscripts, see Scott-Fleming, Peti Flourishitig, 27. 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 77 



rose in the other. In the upper right corner and behind the monk is 
the bust of an angel with nimbus. 

6. (fol. 17'') Picture six shows a pope with mitre, wearing a belted gown 
and cloak. Below and to one side is a cow or ox, sitting on its hind- 
quarters, hooves upraised. One of the pope's hands seems to be point- 
ing in the opposite direction, while the other is to his side. In the 
upper left and right corners are busts, both of secular figures. 

7. (fol. 18"^) Picture seven shows a pope, wearing a cope and mitre, arms 
extended in a pointing gesture. To the pope's right is a bear with up- 
raised paws and two nursing cubs. 

8. (fol. 18^) Picture eight shows a fortress or cityscape with three towers. 
A rounded arched double door, closed, is in the center. 

9. (fol. 19"^) Picture nine shows a pope, wearing mitre and cloak, one 
hand upraised as if in blessing, the other holding the cloak together. 
To his right is a small dog, rather than the usual fox, with three 
crossed banners or standards above its back. 

10. (fol. 19'') Picture ten shows a different fortress or cityscape, again with 
three towers. To the left are three outstretched hands extended from 
the margin towards the fortress. 

11. (fol. 20"^) Picture eleven shows a half-nude figure, one hand to his 
face, dressed in a longish loincloth, legs crossed. He is seated on a pile 
of rocks. To his left is a small figure in a simple unbelted robe. 

12. (fol. 20") Picture twelve shows a figure with a halo, wearing a robe 
and cloak, holding a mitre over the heads of two dogs. To the other 
side are two small bears, like the dogs, facing the margin. 

13. (fol. 2V) Picture thirteen shows an angel crowning a pope with the 
mitre. The pope stands, partially turned towards the angel, one hand 
upraised. He wears a cloak rather than a cope or chasuble. 

14. (fol. 21") Picture fourteen shows a seated pope, wearing a cloak, with 
one hand upraised. In this instance he wears a papal tiara, tall and 
pointed, old style. He is seated on a bench and behind him stand, also 
on the bench, two angels holding a decorated arras. 

15. (fol. 22*^) Picture fifteen shows a pope, wearing a chasuble, holding a 
book in one upraised hand. His other hand, extended downward, 
holds the mitre. The pope is clearly tonsured and has a large nimbus. 



78 INTRODUCTION 



N. Paris, Archives Nationales, MS JJ 28, fols. 285*^-291^ 

Description: Alfred Maury, ed., Catalogue des Manuscrits conserves aux 
Archives Nationales (Paris, 1892), no. 541; Henri Francois Delaborde, 
Layettes du Tresor des Chartes, vol. 5 (Paris, 1909), 47-48; Les Archives 
Nationales etat General des Fonds, vol. 1 (Paris, 1978), 217. 

This copy of the Genus nequam prophecies was added at the end of a 
register for Philip the Fair, prepared for the chancellor, Pierre d'Etampes, 
and was first brought to my attention by EHzabeth A. R. Brown.^' The 
manuscript is parchment and measures 247 x 180 millimeters. Folios 1-131 
contain the History of the Albigensians (1206—1218) by Pierre des Vaux-de- 
Cemay; the catalogue describes the contents of folios 132—292 as "docu- 
ments divers" from the period 1291-1303 concerning especially the differ- 
ences between Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII, along with "des formules 
de lettres." However, as Brown discovered, foHos 285-291^ actually con- 
tain a copy of the Genus nequam prophecies, in a different hand firom that of 
the register proper. 

The sequence consists of text and captions only; space was left for the 
miniatures but they were never done. The captions are in red, but the 
opening initials for each prophecy must have been assigned to the minia- 
turist as well, for although space was left for two-line initials, they were 
never added. 

The pages are ruled in two columns; the caption is at the top, the text 
is in one column, and space has been left in the second column for the 
miniature, one unit to a page. There are exceptions for shorter units, where 
there are two on a page. 

Pierre d'Etampes was keeper of the archives firom 1307 to 1324. Brown 
has suggested that the register was done in the last year of Philip the Fair's 
reign, that is, some time before 29 November 13147^ Decoration of ear- 



^' Elizabeth A. R. Brown generously supplied me with copies of her photographs of the 
manuscript and her transcription of the text. A brief description of the first part of the register, 
the Hystoria Albigensis by Pierre des Vaux-de-Cernay, appears in volume 3, xlv-xlvi, of the 
three-volume edition of the text: Petri Vallium Samaii monachi Hystoria Albigensis, ed. Pascal 
Guebin and Ernest Lyon (Paris, 1926-1939). The Genus nequam prophecies are in a different 
hand from the chancery hand of the rest of the register, in what Brown calls a gothic hturgical 
script. By 1314 most documents in the register had appended to them the name of the official 
who ordered them written, and often as well the name of the notary or scribe who wrote them. 
(See Joseph R. Strayer, The Reign of Philip the Fair [Princeton, 1980], 21.) 

^^ Brown, personal communication June 1988; see also EUzabeth A. R. Brown and Robert 
E. Lerner, "On the Origins and Import of the Columbinus Prophecy," Traditio 95 (1989-1990): 
220-256, here 221. 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 79 

Her sections of JJ 28 might well be later, even after Pierre's death, or begun 
before his death and never finished 7-^ 

JJ 28 is one of a pair of registers copied for Pierre d'Etampes; the second, 
JJ 29, as Elizabeth A. R. Brown and Robert Lemer have shown, contains 
a copy of the Columbinus prophecy, again in a register recording papal 
bulls and royal memoranda. Brown and Lemer note that "the Columbinus 
prophecy appears to have been kept with royal documents of 1306-1307 — 
and with one that was of special importance to Pierre d'Etampes himself' 
(i.e., "an undated royal letter to the bailii of Caux regarding Philip the Fair's 
presentation of Pierre d'Etampes to the Norman church of Sommery").^'^ 

One of the most interesting things about the copy of the Genus nequatn 
prophecies is its presence in a register of Philip the Fair. Its proximity to the 
"divers documents" pertaining to the controversy between Boniface VIII 
and Philip the Fair, even though these documents apparently reflect the 
period 1291-1303, means that the Genus nequam prophecies were in very 
wide circulation and were taken quite seriously. Did Pierre d'Etampes, if he 
were not in fact responding to someone else's request, see in these prophe- 
cies an anti-Bonifacian document, suitable to be preserved with other docu- 
ments in the Philip the Fair-Boniface VIII confrontation? By 1307, Boni- 
face VIII was dead; Nogaret was still pursuing his condemnation, and Philip 
the Fair had embarked on his attack on the Templars. By 1312, or by the 
outside date of 1314, the Templars had been suppressed; the Council of 
Vienne was over (16 October 1311—6 May 1312); on 5 May 1313, Celes- 
tine V was canonized; Clement V died in April of 1314, and John XXII 
was not to be elected pope until early August of 1316.^-^ Throughout this 
period, 1307—1314, Philip had to deal with the consequences of the Inqui- 
sition in the Languedoc. Joseph Strayer notes that the period of greatest 
involvement coincided with Philip's "final struggle with Boniface VIII," 
although the Inquisition was also a topic of discussion at the Council of 
Vienne. ^^' 



^•^ The last decorated initial is on fol. 120 (Guebin and Lyon, Hystoria Alhigensis, xiv, n. 1). 

^* See Brown and Lemer, "Columbinus Prophecy," 220-222, here 221. 

'^^ For this period, 1307-1314, see Strayer, Philip the Fair, esp. Chap. 4; Elizabeth A. R. 
Brown, "Royal Salvation and the Needs of State in Late Capetian France," Order and Itmovation 
in the Middle Ages: Essays in Honor of Joseph R. Strayer, ed. William C. Jordan et al. (Princeton, 
1976), 365-383; T. S. R. Boase, Boniface VIII (London, 1933); Malcolm Barber, Ue Trial of the 
Templars (Cambridge, 1978); Heinrich Finke, Aus den Tagen Bonifaz VIII. (Miinster, 1902); 
Pierre Dupuy, Histoire du differend d'entre le pape Boniface VIII. et Philippes le Bel Roy de France 
(Paris, 1655; repr. Tucson, Ariz., 1963); TUmann Schmidt, Der Bonifaz- Prozess: Verfahren der 
Papstanklage in der Zcit Bonifaz' VIII. und Clemens' V. (Cologne and Vienna, 1989). 

^^' Strayer, Philip the Fair, 297. 



80 INTRODUCTION 



The text itself is close to that in the Monreale manuscript, although 
neither can be a copy of the other, since the Paris manuscript lacks pictures, 
and the Monreale manuscript has additions and omissions not common to 
both manuscripts. This textual similarity supports a date closer to 1314 than 
an earlier one. 

P. MONREALE, BiBLIOTECA COMUNALE, MS XXV. F.17, 
FOLS. 1R-17R 

Description: Carlo Alberto Garufi, Catalogo iUustrato del tahulario di S. 
Maria Nuova in Monreale (Palermo, 1902), 223—226; Angela Daneu 
Lattanzi, "I 'Vaticinia Pontificum' ed un codice monrealese del sec. 
XIII— XIV," Atti della Reale Accademia di scienze, lettere e arti di Palermo 
ser. 4, V. 3(2) (1943) [first presented 1942]: 757-792, plus plates; 
eadem, / manoscritti ed incunaholi miniati della Sicilia, vol. 2 (Palermo, 
1977), 221-223. 

This vellum manuscript of twenty folios measures 145 x 101 millimeters. 
The Genus Nequam prophecies, text and pictures, occupy seventeen foHos; 
blank sheets precede and follow the prophecies. Carlo Alberto Garufi in his 
Catalogo describes a note once attached to page two but now lost, which 
reads, "Est Monasterii Sanctae Mariae Novae Montis Regalis ad usum D. 
Dominici B. Gravina," and dates this manuscript to the fourteenth century, 
locating it in the south of Italy.^^ Angela Daneu Lattanzi, who has pro- 
vided a detailed description of the manuscript as well as a transcription of 
the text, argues for a date as early as the last decade of the thirteenth cen- 
tury and suggests a location in the north of France. The binding, she notes, 
is French and is very similar to those made at Blois for Louis XII between 
the end of the fifteenth and the first two decades of the sixteenth century. 
Furthermore, inventories of the libraries of Jean, Due de Berry and Charles 
d'Orleans that record, in the first instance, a book of pope prophecies, and 
in the second, a volume of "prophecies of Joachim," provide a suggestive 
connection to the royal library at Blois. Finally, on the first white sheet in 
a cursive style of the fourteenth century and in French is a list of expenses. 
Daneu Lattanzi identifies the recurring abbreviation "s.p." as "solus 
pansis. '" 

The script is a transitional one, "not yet decidedly Gothic," as Daneu 
Lattanzi puts it, and, the abbreviations and spelling are in fact not typically 



^^ Garufi, Cataiogo, 223. 

'^ Daneu Lattanzi, " 'Vaticinia Pontificum'." 758-759. 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 81^ 

Italian. The prophecies are written in a single hand (with five lines of text 
added to text fifteen in a different hand), but one which could easily be 
contemporary with the hand of the rest of the manuscript. There is no title 
page, no attribution, and no heading for the first prophecy. The longer 
form of the captions is incorporated into the right-hand corner of each text, 
and is set apart from the text by the rubricator. A fifteenth-century hand 
identifies some of the popes in headlines at the top of the page, beginning 
with the first prophecy. The first identification is Calixtus III (1455—1458), 
and the identifications end with Alexander VI (1492—1503) for prophecy 
and picture number seven. Also above the pictures is a series of curious 
abbreviations, again perhaps in a later hand, but not much later than the 
hand of the main text. Some of these abbreviations look like numbers, the 
early forms of "3," "6," and "7," for instance. Above five are the words 

t( • r^ >>7<) 

plus papa, G. s. 

The text of each prophecy is on one page and on the facing page is the 
accompanying miniature, measuring 88 x 46 millimeters. The first letter of 
each text is decorated, as is the left margin and a portion of the lower 
margin. The initial letters are decorated in gold and ornamented with leaves 
and stems. The decoration of the initials frequently extends down the 
length of the margin and ends in a cusped spiral half-way across the bottom 
margin. The decoration of the initial extends in a similar way at the top of 
the page. The decoration along the side often contains dragons or dogs. 
The miniatures are colored light blue, salmon, orange, red, and white, and 
outlined in black ink. The backgrounds are gold, blue, pink, or tan, with 
white or pink crosses or patterns of dots. Each miniature has a border of 
irregularly shaped rectangles with a pattern of x-shaped crosses against a 
background of dots. The pattern of the borders and the way the back- 
grounds are filled are curiously irregular and seem clumsily executed. The 
figures themselves are elongated, the hands large with long fingers unskill- 
fuUy drawn, the cheeks frequently marked by a red dot. 

This version of the Genus nequam prophecies contains sixteen pictures 
and texts. The text which accompanies picture sixteen, the image of the 
beast with a human face, occurs only in this Monreale manuscript and in 
the Paris Archives manuscript, but it is a regular part of the fifteenth 
prophecy in late fourteenth- and fifteenth-century versions as well as in the 
Regiselmo edition. This text, a quotation from Dan. 4:13, reads "Cor eius 



■" Here again thanks are due John Monfasani for his observations. The other abbreviations 
read, 1: S, 2: 5, 3: .3., 4: .S., 5: pius pp (for papa) G. s., 6: .A.. 7: .s., 8: .5., 9:.s., 10: 9., 12: .3., 
13: .1., 14: .3. (See also Daneu Lattanzi, " 'Vaticinia Pontificum'," 775-776.) 



82 INTRODUCTION 



ab humano commutetur. et cor fere detur ei. et septem tempora mutentur 
super eum."^^ The caption incorporated into the comer of the text reads 
"Corona superbie." This caption also appears in the Paris Archives text. 

The Monreale manuscript shares with Vat. lat. 3819 but not with the 
Paris Archives manuscript the addition of five Unes to the text of the fif- 
teenth prophecy, although in the case of the Monreale manuscript the lines 
are added in a different and perhaps somewhat later hand. The quotation is 
from Nah., 3:1-2, foretelling the destruction of the city of Nineveh: "Ve 
civitatis sanguinum, universe mendacii dilaceratione plena. Non recedet at 
te rapine. Vox flagelli et vox impetus rote et equi frementis." These lines 
are regularly found just before the quotation firom Daniel in the late four- 
teenth- and fifteenth-century versions of the text, as well as in the six- 
teenth-century printed editions.^^ 

There are several distinctive features in the iconography of the pictures 
in this manuscript. Especially worth noting is the flying fish or dolphin in 
picture four, a feature it shares with both the Lunel manuscript and Vat. lat. 
3819, and the inclusion of a sixteenth picture, a lamb or sheep with a 
human head, wearing a crown. The sixteenth picture is found widely else- 
where in later manuscripts, either alone or more usually incorporated into 
picture fifteen. This beast is found in four of the fourteenth-century copies 
(FLPV), although, as discussed elsewhere, there are significant differences 
among the four instances.^^ 

Several additional iconographical features of this manuscript are worth 
noting. Picture fourteen has several minor details that are unique to it. 
There are two animals in the picture, dogs by the length of their ears rather 
than bears, standing back to back behind the standing pope. Although these 
dogs could be part of a throne, the sort which is often embellished with 
animal heads, the position of the animals does show an affinity with the 
position of the animals in picture twelve in the Corpus Christi, Douce, and 
Florence manuscripts (CDF), all of which are connected to images of apo- 
theosis.^-' None of the other manuscripts has animals in picture fourteen. 



^ See Daneu Lattanzi, " 'Vaticinia Pontificum'," 792, n. 6, where she calls attention to the 
similarity to the Tiburtine sibyl: " 'Hie (Antichristus) erit fihus perditionis et caput superbiae.' " 
This caption does not appear in the Leo Oracles. 

^^ It seems to have been identified with the sixteenth prophecy rather than with the fif- 
teenth, for when the two texts and pictures were combined in fifteenth-century manuscripts and 
in sixteenth-century printed editions, the Nahum text is run into prophecy fifteen, and the 
Daniel text is set somewhat apart below. 

®- See below, "Picture Tradition," 111-114. 

*^ See below, "Picture Tradition," 109. 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 8_3 

Picture five also has features that are unique to the Monreale copy 
among the nine fourteenth-century manuscripts under discussion. The main 
figure in the image is the usual one, a tonsured figure holding a sickle in 
one hand and a rose in the other. At the lower left is what looks like a side- 
ways "B" but may well be shackles,^"^ and to the lower right something 
that looks like a doubled-headed axe minus the handle. In late fourteenth- 
and fifteenth-century manuscripts, as well as in the Regiselmo edition, these 
symbolic objects, the second one now a leg, are regularly included in the 
picture. To my knowledge neither occurs in any version of the correspond- 
ing Leo Oracle picture. Thus, the form picture five takes corresponds only 
to later versions of the Genus nequam sequence. There is always the possi- 
bility that these features were painted in at a later time, for two of the minia- 
tures show signs of being tampered with: the background shows signs of 
erasure in the section of the image containing the "leg", and in miniature 
fourteen, the face of the pope has been erased.^'' 

Picture nine also has several features unique to this manuscript: an un- 
usual arrangement of standards and a bird upside down atop the middle one, 
and a very small shield (?) in the space between the base of the standards 
and the pope. 

In summary, then, the iconographic features, especially in picture five, 
the presence of picture sixteen with text and caption added to it, and anal- 
ysis of the individual texts all point to a date for the execution of the 
manuscript at least a decade later than the 1294 date posited by Daneu Lat- 
tanzi."^' The version of the prophecies represented in the Monreale manu- 
script unquestionably belongs to the "mainstream" version, for it shares 
many features with the Lunel, Paris, and Vatican lat. 3819 manuscripts. 

The French style of decoration, the absence of typically Italian abbre- 
viations and spellings in the hand, as well as connections to the Paris manu- 



^^ Possibly a reference to Celestine V's imprisonment by Boniface VIII, see below, "Picture 
Tradition," n. 27. 

"^ Unfortunately this possibility is difficult to verify, owing to the closing of the Biblioteca 
Comunale (information from Dottore Giuseppe Schiro, retired Librarian). Charlotte Lacaze plans 
on investigating these pictures in some detail, but is of the opinion that it would be very difficult 
to determine with certainty whether or not there was some over-painting in picture number 
five, even though the marks of scraping are clear. 

•"• Daneu Lattanzi dates the manuscript to the last decade of the thirteenth century, and 
Lerner posits a terminus post quern of 1294 and leans to an early date ("On the Origins," 634); see 
also Millet and Rigaux, "Aux origines," 136-138, who connect the version of the prophecies 
represented by the Lunel and Monreale copies (particularly on the evidence of the captions for 
units nine and ten) to the "papalarius" owned by Bernard Delicieux, suggesting then a date be- 
fore 1319 but after the pontificate of Clement V. 



84 INTRODUCTION 



script, point to a French scribe and a French miniaturist, possibly in north- 
em France."^ Although Daneu Lattanzi describes the miniatures as elegant 
and polished, the borders of irregularly shaped rectangles with a pattern of 
x-shaped crosses against a background of dots and the background of the 
miniatures themselves seem haphazardly executed. The combination of tex- 
tual evidence, additions to the text, and iconographic evidence points to a 
date close to but somewhat later than that of the Lunel manuscript.^^ 

Description of the Pictures 

Thirteen of the sixteen miniatures, omitting numbers one, five and four- 
teen, are beautifully reproduced in color in Angela Daneu Lattanzi, "Sim- 
boli e profezie nel medioevo," Sicilia 12 (1955): unpaginated.^*^ 

1. (fol. 2^) Picture one shows a seated pope wearing a chasuble and papal 
tiara (old style), and holding a book. There is a small bear to either 
side and one above the tiara. The bear above the tiara has one paw 
holding the lower edge of the tiara, a detail pecuUar to P. This folio 
shows distinct signs of wear or damage. 

2. (fol. 3"^) Picture two shows a standing pope, wearing a cope and tiara. 



^^ There are some similarities to manuscripts from northern France and even Flanders in the 
cusped form of the spirals and in the pattern of Xs in the background, and to a lesser degree in 
the borders: see Patrick M. De Winter, Lm bihiiothequc de Philippe k Hardi (Pans, 1985), plates 20 
and 22; Souvenir de VExposition de Manuscrits Fratifais a Peintures or^atiisee a la Grenuille Library 
(1932), ed. Eric Millar (Paris, 1933), 24 and plate 23. See also Randall, Medieval and Renaissance 
Manuscripts in the Walters Art Gallery, in particular items 38, 39, 40, 41 (Walters 38, 39, 47, 97), 
a group of mostly Books of Hours from .northeast France dated to the last quarter of the thir- 
teenth century, for features similar to those in the Monreale miniatures, i.e., patterns of Xs in the 
background, decoration along the hems of cloaks, red dots on cheeks, lips, cusped form of the 
spirals in the margin. Randall notes in connection with another MS (item 51) certain character- 
istics of northern French influence, including "rudimentary figure style," and "drolleries attached 
to border terminals" {Walters, 129). The decoration in the Monreale MS, as is true of all the 
copies of the Genus nequam sequence under discussion, is characteristic of late thirteenth-century 
decoration rather than of fourteenth-century later gothic decoration. This may be due to the fact 
that these manuscripts were decorated locally, rather than being sent out to an up-to-date work- 
shop, and may well account for certain features of the miniatures in this MS, namely the elon- 
gated figures, and the pattern of dots (similar to punchmarks) along the hem of the drapery. 

^^ See n. 86 above. The evidence linking the Lunel, Paris, Monreale and Vatican 3819 
manuscripts is complex: the Vatican MS is the latest of the group, yet there are features the 
Lunel and Vatican alone share (e.g., features of picture twelve, where they show a pope holding 
a tiara above four rabbits while the Monreale copy shows an angel holding a tiara over four small 
bears). This feature of the Monreale copy would seem to Unk it more closely with the versions 
in the Cambridge and Oxford copies, and particularly to the Florentine copy, none of which 
shows a pope. 

"'^ I am indebted to Robert Lerner for caUing this issue of Sicilia to my attention and espe- 
cially to Charlotte Lacaze for making her copy of this magazine available to me. 



DESCRIPTION OF MA NUSCRIPTS 85 

holding a staff with a white banner in one hand. To the right is an 
elongated snake with a bird attacking its head. 

(fol. 4*^) Picture three shows a seated pope, wearing a cope and tiara. 
To one side is a unicorn with curved horn touching the pope's eye. 
To the other side is a small figure in a short robe. The pope's hand is 
touching the figure's head; the pope holds his cope to him with his 
other hand. Above the pope's tiara is an eagle. 

(fol. 5*^) Picture four shows three pillars of equal height. The middle 
one, which has a curved top, holds the bust of a monk, tonsured and 
lightly bearded. Atop the right-hand pillar is a hand holding the tail of 
a flying fish-like object that curves over the head of the monk and 
extends to the pillar on the left. This fish has a head with ears. Atop 
the left-hand pillar is a bust of a secular figure. 

(fol. 6'^) Picture five shows a monk holding a rose in one hand and a 
sickle in the other. Above the rose is the bust of an angel, arms ex- 
tended and hands holding the rose. Below and to one side is a side- 
ways B or shackles and to the other is an object which looks some- 
thing Hke the head of a double-headed axe, features unique to this 
manuscript among those under consideration. 

(fol. 7*^) Picture six shows a pope wearing a cloak and tiara. One hand 
is upraised, the other holds his cloak to his body. To one side is a cow 
or ox, facing the pope, hooves upraised. In the upper left (and above 
the cow) are two crowned heads, facing away from the pope. 

(fol. 8*^) Picture seven shows a pope wearing a cope and tiara. His 
head is inclined toward a bear and two cubs below; one hand is up- 
raised, the other points to the bear. 

(fol. 9"^) Picture eight shows a fortress or styHzed cityscape, with three 
turrets. Above the middle turret is a large staff with a white banner. 
Behind the roof of the fortress are the busts of four knights, wearing 
helmets. 

(fol. 10*^) Picture nine shows a pope, wearing a cope and tiara, one 
arm and hand extended downward. To one side and below is a dog or 
fox. Above the animal, and apparently held in the animal's mouth, are 
three crossed standards, one bearing a white banner, another a cross or 
coat of arms, and the middle one an axe or hatchet (or perhaps a 
portion of a banner) . A bird, upside down, tail resting on the end of 
the standard, is atop the middle standard. There is a very small shield 



86 INTRODUCTION 



(dark, with a blue band, the band decorated with a wavy white Hne 
and four white dots) in the space between the base of the standards 
and the pope. The bird and the shield are unique to P. 

10. (fol. ir) Picture ten shows a different fortress or styHzed cityscape, 
with one turret. Two pairs of hands extend toward the fortress from 
one side. Another hand rises above and behind the fortress. 

11. (fol. 12') Picture eleven shows a figure, naked except for a long 
loincloth with a decorated belt. He is seated on a rock, arms raised 
eithei: in astonishment or in an orans gesture. To the right is another 
figure of almost equal size, dressed in a Hghtly decorated tunic, with 
arms crossed over his chest. Neither figure is tonsured. 

12. (fol. 13"^) Picture twelve shows a haloed figure with long hair (appar- 
ently an angel), wearing an alb and cloak, and holding the papal tiara 
in his outstretched hand. Below in the bottom fifth of the page are 
four small bears, two facing in one direction, two in the other. 

13. (fol. H*") Picture thirteen shows an angel, dressed in long gown and 
cloak, crowning a pope with the papal tiara. The pope, wearing a 
chasuble, holds his arms in the orans gesture. The figures are of equal 
size and are contained within an arch. 

14. (fol. 15*^) Picture fourteen shows a pope wearing a tiara, and an angel 
to either side. The wing of one angel extends beyond the border of 
the miniature into the margin. Below and behind the pope are two 
large dogs, facing in opposite directions (or a throne or Faltstuhl 
embellished with animal heads). The figures are contained within an 
arch, and the pope's face is blank, its features having been erased. 

15. (fol. 16"^) Picture fifteen shows a pope wearing a chasuble, holding the 
papal tiara in one hand, arm extended, and a book in the other. The 
figure is contained within an arch. 

16. (fol. 17") Picture sixteen shows an animal with a human head. The 
head, wearing a crown, faces right. 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 87^ 

V. Vatican LroRARY, MS Vat. lat. 3819, fols. 147^-149*^ 

Description: Herbert Grundmann, "Die Papstprophetien," 104-106; 
idem, "Uber den Apokalypsen-Kommentar des Minoriten Alexan- 
der," MGH, Schriften 25, 2 (Hanover, 1977), 58-60; Bemhard 
Degenhart and A. Schmitt, Corpus der italienischen Zeichnungen 1300- 
1450 (Berlin, 1968), Pt. 1,1: 226; for a partial table of contents. 
Reeves, Influence of Prophecy, Appendix C, 537; Rehberg, " 'Kardi- . 
nalsorakel'," 94-97; Sabine Schmolinsky, Der Apokalypsenkommentar 
des Alexander Minorita: zur frUhen Rezeption Joachims von Fiore in 
Deutschland (Hanover, 1991), 20-21. 

This manuscript is an anthology (of 236 folios) of works in a single 
hand. It contains "De semine scripturarum" (fols. 1-18""), "Expositio in 
Apocalypsim" by Alexander Minorita (fols. 19^-130^),^" "Oraculum Cyril- 
li" (fols. 131^-146^), the Genus nequam prophecies (fols. 147''- 149'), Jerome 
on Matthew and Mark (fols. 151-222''), and "De provincialibus presagiis" 
(fols. 23-236').^^ The pages are ruled and the decoration is minimal: in 
addition to the pictures in the Genus nequam section, there are three pictures 
in the "Expositio in Apocalypsim" section with spaces left for at least 
seventy-five additional pictures. There is no contents page. 

The set of Genus nequam prophecies begins on foUo 147^ the equivalent 
often lines down from the top of the page. The page is arranged in two 
columns as is the immediately preceding text of the "Oraculum Cyrilli." At 
the top of the page in column one are the last nine Unes of the "Oraculum 
Cyrilli" text, ending with the words "Deo gratias amen." There is a space 
of one line, and the caption for text number one of the Genus nequam series 
follows: "Incipit principium malorum ypocrisia habundabit." The first dec- 
orated initial is that of the first word of the text proper. Thus there is no 
identification of the text nor any attribution. The initials in this section with 
the exception of a capital "I" are three lines high and are decorated with 
pen flourishes. 

The text of the prophecies is in column one; in column two are the 
pictures arranged for the most part in a series of connected rectangles more 
or less opposite the appropriate text. The sixteen miniatures are simply 
drawn and warmly colored, with a minimum of decoration, and for the 



''" The explicit for this section reads "ExpHcit postilla Joachim super apocalipsim" (fol. 131'); 
the catchwords also refer to this section as "Joachim super Apocalipsim." 

'^' Rehberg (" 'Kardinalsorakel'," 94) suggests that this last text was added when the manu- 
script was bound. 



88 INTRODUCTION 



most part the ground line is the bottom of the frame. Following the text of 
the prophecies and opposite the sixteenth picture — not set apart from the 
sequence in any way — is a short text beginning "Scitote karissimi fratres, 
quondam exibunt gentes incluse de petra reclusa. ..." (fols. 149-149''),'^^ 
a list of popes through John XXII (1316-1334) (fol. 149^), and the com- 
mentary on the cardinal prophecies (fols. 149^-150^), recently transcribed 
by Rehberg and discussed earlier. 

There are several distinctive features of the text recorded in this manu- 
script. The most important are the addition of five lines to the text of the 
fifteenth prophecy and two lines added to the text of the tenth prophecy. 
The first is from Nah. 3:1—2: "Ve civitas sanguinum universe mendacii dila- 
ceratione plena, non recedet a te rapine, vox flagelli et vox impetus rote et 
equi frementis," as Nahum, the prophet whose name means "comforter," 
foretells the destruction of the city of Nineveh. These lines are not found 
in any of the other early versions, although they have been added in a sec- 
ond hand to text fifteen in the Monreale manuscript. They appear regularly 
in all later versions of prophecy fifteen. 

Two lines, Dan. 8:14, with some modification, are added to the text of 
prophecy number ten. The usual Vulgate text of Daniel reads "Usque ad 
vesperam et mane, dies duo, millia trecenti; et miniahitur sacrificiuni" (italics 
mine: for the italicized words Daniel reads "mundabitur sanctuarium") . 
These lines come from the section in Daniel recording the angel's interpre- 
tation of Daniel's vision of the ram and the he-goat. It is the answer to the 
question, "How much time between the beginning of the persecution of 
Antiochus (a figure of the Antichrist) until his death?" The addition of these 
lines is unique to this Vatican copy among the early manuscripts. 

This witness records as well an unusual error in the opening words of 
text number one, the reading of "Senus" for "Genus," an error that it 
shares with Yale, Marston 225. The "S" is a decorated initial, so the error 
could easily be that of the rubricator rather than that of the scribe. 

The pictures also have a number of distinctive features. Unique to this 
manuscript among the early witnesses are the crow atop a standard, a defin- 
ite dragon in number two, three arches, each enclosing a figure or figures, 
in number eight, and the donkey in number nine. Both this manuscript and 
the Lunel manuscript show a pope (rather than an angel) holding the papal 



'^- See Donckel, "Studien iiber die Prophezeiung des Fr. Telesforus von Cosenza," 66-67, 
308-309, for references to this text as one of the sources drawn upon by Telesphorus in his 
Lihellus. The appearance in Vat. lat. 3819 is one of the earhest recorded, if not the earliest, 
before its appearance in the Libellus. There is no attribution either here or in the Lihellus. 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 89 

tiara over rabbits rather than the usual bears or sheep. It also shares with the 
Lunel and Monreale manuscripts the flying fish or dolphin in number four, 
and with the Monreale manuscript the sixteenth picture of a lamb or sheep 
with the head of a crowned king/^-^ The Monreale manuscript has a text 
assigned to this picture; this Vatican mansucript does not, assuming that the 
text in column one opposite the picture ("Scitote karissimi firatres. ..." 
noted above) is not related to the picture. 

Grundmann dates this manuscript to after 1314, probably before 1334, 
and surely before 1369.'^'^ Physical evidence suggests this to be a later copy 
than any of the other manuscripts under discussion. In the list of popes 
named and numbered one through nine on foHo 149", John XXII is the last 
pope named (1316—1334). The list is in a slightly smaller size script and 
appears to have been squeezed into the available space at the bottom of col- 
umn one after the explicit of the "Scitote karissimi fratres" prophecy, al- 
though there is still room for two additional lines. The commentary on the 
cardinal prophecies begins at the top of the next column and continues 
through fol. 150'', where all but one line of column two is blank. On fol. 
151"^ begins Jerome's commentary on Matthew and Mark, and this new text 
is marked by a seven-line decorated initial. Thus it looks as if the list is con- 
temporary with the text, for there was a larger space available on fol. 150". 

For this manuscript, a date during the pontificate of John XXII seems 
most hkely. There is no way of knowing whether this scribe's exemplar 
contained the additions to the text in numbers ten and fifteen or the list of 
popes on fol. 149"; there is no record of such an exemplar elsewhere. The 
addition to prophecy fifteen became standard, but the addition to number 
ten is unique to this manuscript. These two additions bracket the last five 
prophecies, making it clear that someone dated the reign of the Antichrist 
to the reign of John XXII, i.e., to the tenth prophecy. Details in the minia- 
ture accompanying the ninth prophecy may well refer to Clement V.'^'' 
Neither picture eight nor picture ten shows a pope, although this lack does 
not prevent a scribe or glossator firom assigning a pope to that prophecy in 
later manuscripts. 



'^•^ The Lunel MS also shows this beast, but it is clearly detached from the Genus tiequam 
sequence: see above, p. 65. 

'^'* Grundmann, "Papstprophetien," 104; see also Lerner, "On the Origins," 635. 

'^^ The image here shows an animal which looks more like a donkey than a fox, surmounted 
by three standards, two of which are topped by Jleurs dc lis. Clement V's move to Avignon 
inaugurated the seventy years of the "Babylonian captivity," although he himself expected the 
move to be temporary. Clement V, although a compromise candidate of the pro-French and 
anti-French factions, was in fact much controlled by Philip the Fair. See, however, Sophia 
Mcnache, Clement K (Cambridge, 1998), for a re-evaluation of the pontificate of Clement V. 



88 INTRODUCTION 



most part the ground line is the bottom of the frame. Following the text of 
the prophecies and opposite the sixteenth picture — not set apart from the 
sequence, in any way — is a short text beginning "Scitote karissimi fratres, 
quondam exibunt gentes incluse de petra reclusa. . . ." (fols. 149-149^),'^^ 
a list of popes through John XXII (1316-1334) (fol. 149^), and the com- 
mentary on the cardinal prophecies (fols. 149''-150''), recently transcribed 
by Rehberg and discussed earlier. 

There are several distinctive features of the text recorded in this manu- 
script. The most important are the addition of five lines to the text of the 
fifteenth prophecy and two Hnes added to the text of the tenth prophecy. 
The first is from Nah. 3:1—2: "Ve civitas sanguinum universe mendacii dila- 
ceratione plena, non recedet a te rapine, vox flagelli et vox impetus rote et 
equi frementis," as Nahum, the prophet whose name means "comforter," 
foretells the destruction of the city of Nineveh. These lines are not found 
in any of the other early versions, although they have been added in a sec- 
ond hand to text fifteen in the Monreale manuscript. They appear regularly 
in all later versions of prophecy fifteen. 

Two lines, Dan. 8:14, with some modification, are added to the text of 
prophecy nurnber ten. The usual Vulgate text of Daniel reads "Usque ad 
vesperam et mane, dies duo, millia trecenti; et miniahitur sacrificium" (italics 
mine: for the italicized words Daniel reads "mundabitur sanctuarium") . 
These lines come from the section in Daniel recording the angel's interpre- 
tation of Daniel's vision of the ram and the he-goat. It is the answer to the 
question, "How much time between the beginning of the persecution of 
Antiochus (a figure of the Antichrist) until his death?" The addition of these 
lines is unique to this Vatican copy among the early manuscripts. 

This witness records as well an unusual error in the opening words of 
text number one, the reading of "Senus" for "Genus," an error that it 
shares with Yale, Marston 225. The "S" is a decorated initial, so the error 
could easily be that of the rubricator rather than that of the scribe. 

The pictures also have a number of distinctive features. Unique to this 
manuscript among the early witnesses are the crow atop a standard, a defin- 
ite dragon in number two, three arches, each enclosing a figure or figures, 
in number eight, and the donkey in number nine. Both this manuscript and 
the Lunel manuscript show a pope (rather than an angel) holding the papal 



'^- See Donckel, "Studien iiber die Prophezeiung des Fr. Telesforus von Cosenza," 66-67, 
308-309, for references to this text as one of the sources drawn upon by Telesphorus in his 
Lihellus. The appearance in Vat. lat. 3819 is one of the earhest recorded, if not the earliest, 
before its appearance in the Libellus. There is no attribution either here or in the Libellus. 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 89 

tiara over rabbits rather than the usual bears or sheep. It also shares with the 
Lunel and Monreale manuscripts the flying fish or dolphin in number four, 
and with the Monreale manuscript the sixteenth picture of a lamb or sheep 
with the head of a crowned king/^-^ The Monreale manuscript has a text 
assigned to this picture; this Vatican mansucript does not, assuming that the 
text in column one opposite the picture ("Scitote karissimi firatres. . . ." 
noted above) is not related to the picture. 

Grundmann dates this manuscript to after 1314, probably before 1334, 
and surely before 1369.'^"^ Physical evidence suggests this to be a later copy 
than any of the other manuscripts under discussion. In the list of popes 
named and numbered one through nine on foHo 149"^, John XXII is the last 
pope named (1316-1334). The list is in a slightly smaller size script and 
appears to have been squeezed into the available space at the bottom of col- 
umn one after the explicit of the "Scitote karissimi fratres" prophecy, al- 
though there is still room for two additional lines. The commentary on the 
cardinal prophecies begins at the top of the next column and continues 
through fol. 1 50'', where all but one line of column two is blank. On fol. 
151*^ begins Jerome's commentary on Matthew and Mark, and this new text 
is marked by a seven-line decorated initial. Thus it looks as if the list is con- 
temporary with the text, for there was a larger space available on fol. 150^. 

For this manuscript, a date during the pontificate of John XXII seems 
most likely. There is no way of knowing whether this scribe's exemplar 
contained the additions to the text in numbers ten and fifteen or the list of 
popes on fol. 149""; there is no record of such an exemplar elsewhere. The 
addition to prophecy fifteen became standard, but the addition to number 
ten is unique to this manuscript. These two additions bracket the last five 
prophecies, making it clear that someone dated the reign of the Antichrist 
to the reign of John XXII, i.e., to the tenth prophecy. Details in the minia- 
ture accompanying the ninth prophecy may well refer to Clement V.'^"* 
Neither picture eight nor picture ten shows a pope, although this lack does 
not prevent a scribe or glossator firom assigning a pope to that prophecy in 
later manuscripts. 



''•^ The Lunel MS also shows this beast, but it is clearly detached from the Genus ttequam 
sequence: see above, p. 65. 

'^^ Grundmann, "Papstprophetien," 104; see also Lerner, "On the Origins," 635. 

'^^ The image here shows an animal which looks more like a donkey than a fox, surmounted 
by three standards, two of which are topped by Jleurs dc lis. Clement V's move to Avignon 
inaugurated the seventy years of the "Babylonian captivity," although he himself expected the 
move to be temporary. Clement V, although a compromise candidate of the pro-French and 
anti-French factions, was in fact much controlled by Philip the Fair. See, however, Sophia 
Menache, Clement V (Cambridge, 1998), for a re-evaluation of the pontificate of Clement V. 



92 INTRODUCTION 



COW with front legs upraised. Above the cow are the heads of two 
men wearing crowns, facing away from the pope. 

7. (fol. 148"^) Picture seven shows a pope wearing chasuble and tiara. To 
the left is a bear with young. The bear has upraised paws, touching the 
pope's robes. 

8. (fol. 148*^) Picture eight shows three arches with crenelations along the 
top. Within the left and middle arches are two figures, apparently sol- 
diers, with shields and helmets. In the third arch to the right is a single 
larger figure with a shield and a visor covering his face. This image is 
unique to V among the fourteenth-century manuscripts. 

9. (fol. 148'^) Picture nine shows a pope wearing chasuble and tiara. To 
the left is a donkey, facing away from the pope. Behind the donkey 
are three crossed standards, the middle with three crosses at the top, 
the other two with stylized ^ewrs de lis. The donkey is unique to V. 

10. (fol. 148'') Picture ten shows a fortress or stylized cityscape. At the 
upper left are two hands, fingers extended toward the fortress. Slightly 
above the fortress is another hand, fingers extended away from the 
fortress. 

11. (fol. 148^) Picture eleven shows a figure, tonsured, naked except for 
a long skirt-like cloth, one hand upraised, one arm extended, seated 
on a rock. To the right is a figure of equal size, wearing a short gown 
and hood, one hand upraised, the other extended toward the seated 
figure. 

12. (fol. 148^) Picture twelve shows a seated tonsured figure, wearing a 
chasuble, and holding a papal tiara over four rabbits. One finger ap- 
pears to be pointed at the rabbits. The rabbits are in the lower left, 
two facing the pope and two facing the border. 

13. (fol. 149"^) Picture thirteen shows a pope, wearing a chasuble and 
seated on a bench, being crowned with the papal tiara by an angel. 
The pope holds a book in one hand; the other hand is upraised. The 
angel is of the same size as the pope and its wings extend beyond the 
boundary of the border into the margin. 

14. (fol. 149*^) Picture fourteen shows a pope seated on a bench, with a 
book resting in his lap and held by both hands. He wears chasuble and 
tiara. Two angels, one to the right and one to the left, standing on the 
bench, are crowning the pope. 



DESCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS 93 



15. (fol. 149^) Picture fifteen shows a pope, tonsured, wearing a cope over 
chasuble and alb. With arms extended, he holds a book in one hand 
and the papal tiara in the other. 

16. (fol. 149"^) Picture sixteen shows a large animal with a lamb's body and 
a human head wearing a crown. 



The Picture Tradition 

This section brings together all the significant variations in the manu- 
scripts, tracing, where relevant, v^hat appears to be the evolution of the pic- 
ture tradition. It discusses some of the more important iconographical fea- 
tures, but does not aim to give a full iconographical study. 

Analysis of the picture tradition reinforces the groupings of manuscripts 
noted earher, that is, A-CD and LNPV, with F and M closely aligned to 
the latter group. Analysis of the images underscores as well the many varia- 
tions within each group and both the ways in which the groups are discrete 
and the ways in which they overlap. The Yale manuscript, for instance, 
shows characteristics of both early and late features: details of image four 
(the columns, the scimitar) Hnk this version most closely to fifteenth- 
century and later versions of the image; yet there is is no beast in the final 
image of the series, a detail present in some form in LPV as well as in F. 
Each witness has some unique feature, e.g., dogs instead of bears in the Yale 
manuscript, a slightly different arrangement of elements in the image, 
slightly different background detail. Some of the variations clearly have 
referents that are for now at least lost to ,us: both the Lunel and Vatican 
3819 witnesses, for instance, show the pope in the angeUc series (image 
twelve) holding his tiara over four rabbits. In the much later Regiselmo 
edition of the pope prophecies, the rabbits have become sheep: whatever 
specific referent the rabbits might have called to mind has been lost or is no 
longer relevant and the image is now the more generaUzed one of the papal 
shepherd "feeding his sheep." 

Analysis of the picture tradition makes it clear as well that individual 
variations in the images are not only of interest but also that certain images 
in the series emerge as crucial, affecting in particular the cumulative effect 
of the images. Images five, eleven, and fifteen are important in this context. 
In CD, for instance, there is no expHcit reference to Celestine V in image 
five, and no beast in image fifteen, even though there is a clear angeUc se- 
quence in images eleven through fifteen. The instances in which Celestine 
is clearly identified in image five allow for a slightly different reading of 
image eleven, the summoning of the angelic pope, a reading with a particu- 



THE PICTURE TRADITION 95^ 

lar Franciscan resonance, as has been discussed earlier. Thus even minor 
changes in image five alter the cumulative effect of the series more substan- 
tially than do the greater variations in images four and twelve, for instance. 

Certain patterns emerge. In the earlier versions represented by CD, the 
last five images w^ere probably read as the progress of a single holy pope; in 
the later versions the single pope has become a series of holy popes. Local 
references (rabbits, dogs, the substitution of a donkey for a fox in image 
nine in V) are lost and the image becomes more generalized. One explana- 
tion suggests that when memories of a particular historical pope in the series 
are firesh, local references abound; as the lives of these popes recede into the 
distant past, the images lose these local references and the images become 
more stable. 

The images in the Lunel manuscript represent a version that with some 
exceptions can be termed the established version or what will become the 
established version in much later manuscripts. The serpent that looks like a 
salamander in image two will become a stylized serpent; the flying fish in 
image four will become a scimitar, details will be added to the image of 
Celestine V (image number five), rabbits will become sheep in image 
twelve, and images fifteen and sixteen will become combined, the only 
truly substantial change. 

Picture 1 

The picture tradition for the first image is remarkably consistent, show- 
ing as it does a pope and bears; and there seems to be little doubt that the 
series was meant to begin with the Orsini pope, Nicholas III (1277-1280). 
This unanimity is all the more remarkable since in most of the extant Greek 
manuscripts of the Leo Oracles (all post-dating the Genus nequam prophe- 
cies), the first image is that of a serpent.' The bear symbol obviously 
pointed to the Orsini family, suggesting Giovanni Gaetano Orsini (Nicholas 
III) as the first figure in the series. Dante's characterization of Nicholas as 
"son of the she-bear" and representative of the simoniacal popes not only 
testifies to the familiarity of the association but also may indicate that he had 
seen this picture.^ 

The common version for picture one, represented by LMPV, shows a 



' MS Oxford, Bodleian Library, Barocci 170, a sumptuously decorated sixteenth-century 
copy, does show a bear with three nursing cubs as the first picture. For the Barocci copy, see 
Rigo, Oracula Leonis, 17-48. 

^ Dante Alighieri, Tlte Divine Comedy, trans. Charles S. Singleton (Princeton, 1970), Inferno, 
19: 69-72. See also Lemer. "Recent Work." 149, n. 18. 



96 INTRODUCTION 



pope, surrounded by three animals, bears in LPV and dogs in M. CD show 
a pope and to one side a large bear with nursing cubs (figure 1), four in C, 
five in D, similar to figure six in the Leo Oracles, which shows a large bear 
with three nursing cubs. The F scribe left little space for the picture, which 
shows the torso of a pope and to the upper side a bear with young (the 
number of the young is uncertain as this portion of the page has been dam- 
aged). The picture is not described either in A or by Pipini, although Pipini 
notes that the series begins with Nicholas III (Cap. xx, cols. 724-725). As 
discussed above, the commentary on the cardinal prophecies notes five cubs 
(identified with five cardinals), and although the commentary makes it clear 
that the subject of unit one is Giovanni Gaetano Orsini (Nicholas III), it is 
not certain that the image included a human figure as well as the figure of 
the bear with five cubs.^ Thus, of the copies under consideration, only the 
Vat. lat. 3822 copy leaves in doubt the subject of the unit. 

If it were not for the testimony of the commentary on the cardinal pro- 
phecies, the variations in the image might seem minor, but given this testi- 
mony, it is clear that the five cubs in the early versions had specific refer- 
ents. It is tempting then to see significance in the heretofore considered 
minor difference in detail between the Cambridge and and Oxford copies 
(four cubs rather than five) ^ In the later versions, as seen in the Lunel wit- 
ness, the placement of the bears in the image has changed; Nicholas III is 
clearly referred to in his capacity as pope, and the reference to bears is 
"generic" rather than specific.'' 

The significance of the substitution of dogs for bears in the Yale manu- 
script (one executed no earlier than the mid- 1320s) is unclear.^' An obvious 



^ As noted elsewhere, Rehberg makes the point that the commentary would have followed 
a copy of text and pictures; therefore there was no need for the commentator to describe the 
picture in detail. 

^ See also the reference to the death of Nicholas III in unit three of the commentary (66- 
69), and the seemingly gratuitous observation that the death left only four cubs. It is clear that 
the first three units of the prophecies (as represented by the cardinal oracle) were ex cvctitu, for 
the commentator was familiar with events of Honorius IV's pontificate. The fourth cub. Latino 
Malabranca, died in 1294, the fifth, Giordano Orsini (according to Rehberg's enumeration), died 
earUer in 1287, and the second cub, Matteo Rosso Orsini, died in 1305. Since there is some 
debate about the identity of the fifth cub, the missing cub in the Cambridge copy (if not the 
result of simple error) points either to Latino Malabranca or to Matteo Rosso Orsini. If this 
hypothesis can be sustained, it would date the version represented here to no earlier than 1294 
and more likely, in my opmion, to sometime after Matteo Rosso Orsini's death in 1305. 

^ I.e., the reference to the Onini, to nepotism and simony. 

^' For dating, see "Description of Manuscripts," pp. 74-75. Lemer ("On the Origins," 617 
and n. 13) notes that the Monreale, Vat. lat. 3819, and Yale manuscripts "delete the she-bear 
and show a pope surrounded by three dogs, conceivably with the intention of toning down the 
anti-Orsini bias" (n. 13). The animals in the Monreale and Vatican manuscripts certainly appear 
to be bears rather than dogs (size and position of ears, short tail) particularly in the case of the 



THE PICTURE TRADITION 97 

explanation might be that they referred to the emblem of a particular pa- 
tron, one for whom the manuscript was produced. On the other hand, if 
no such connection between emblem and patron can be identified, their 
presence could point to a larger symbolic meaning. As James Marrow has 
discussed in his study of Passion iconography, there are many references in 
this period to dogs as the tormentors of Christ, drawing on the language 
and images of Ps. 21:17, "Quondam circumdederunt me canes multi; / 
Concilium malignantium obsedit me."^ Even more particularly, references 
to dogs and their "snapping" are found not only in the Franciscan discourse 
surrounding the promulgation of "Exiit qui seminat," by Nicholas III 
(1279), but also in the prologue to the bull itself^ 

When Nicholas III became pope, the Franciscans petitioned him to rule 
on the issue of poverty and the Rule, and with his ruling, "Exiit qui semi- 
nat," began a series of debates both within the Order and between the 
Order and the Papacy that continued for the better part of four decades, de- 
bates which were not resolved until the series of bulls issued by John XXII, 
and then not to the Spirituals' satisfaction. There was a series of bulls in 
between, under Martin IV (1283) and Clement V (1312). 

Pope John XXII addressed himself to these same issues in 1317 when he 
ordered the Spirituals to conform to the moderate position, in particular 



Monreale manuscript, if they are compared with the dogs in the Yale manuscript and with the 
animal in picture nine in P, which does in fact look like a dog rather than a fox. (See also 
Daneu Lattanzi, " 'Vaticinia Pontificum'," 777-778.) 

'James Marrow, Passion Iconography in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages and Early 
Renaissance (Kortrijk, Belgium, 1979), 39; see also 33, 36-39. Kerby-Fulton, "Hildegard," 397, 
notes references to dogs "to signify the ungodly" in Mark 7:28 and 3 Kings 14:11. 

" " . . . Interdum aemulatores agitates invidia, iracundia et indiscreta iustitia concitavit mor- 
dentes fratres et eorum regulam quasi illicitam, inobservabilem et discriminosam caninis la- 
trantibus lacerantes, non attendentes banc sanctam regulam, ut praedicitur, praeceptis ac monitis 
salutaribus institutam, apostolicis observationibus roboratam, per plures romanos pontifices 
approbatam et etiam per sedem apostolicam confirmatam ..." from "Exiit qui seminat," quoted 
in Fidelis Elizondo, "Bulla 'Exiit qui seminat' Nicholas III (14 August 1279)," Laurentianum 4 
(1963): 59-119, here at 86; idem. Appendix, 189-219, for comparison of "Quo elongati" (Greg- 
ory IX), "Ordinem vestram" (Innocent IV), "Exiit qui seminat" (Nicholas III), and "Exivi de 
paradiso" (Clement V). For the frequency of "dogs" in Franciscan discourse surrounding the 
promulgation of "Exiit," see David Burr, Oliui and Franciscan Poverty: Tlie Origins of the "Usus 
Pauper" Controversy (Philadelphia, 1989), 153-154 and notes 49-52. Some of the "biting dogs" 
were "domini canes," and Burr notes that "it is hard to read 'Exiit' without recognizing it as an 
answer to certain claims advanced by Aquinas, Kilwardby, and other Dominicans at Franciscan 
expense" {Oliui and Franciscan Poverty, 154); Burr reiterates this latter point in a review of Andrea 
Tabarroni, Paupertas Christi et apostolorum: L'idcale francescano in discussione (1322-1324) (Rome, 
1990) in Speculum 67 (1992): 749, in which he argues that more attention must be paid to "the 
internecine political and intellectual warfare between Franciscans and Dominicans in the bte 
thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries," that period between the promulgation of "Exiit" in 
1279 by Nicholas III and the promulgation of "Quia nonnunquam" by John XXII in 1322. 



98 INTRODUCTION 



banning their short habits and calling on them to observe the "moderate 
use" rule.'^ Later in 1322 and 1323 the Franciscan order under Michael of 
Cesena was at clear odds with John XXII's teaching on Christ's and the 
Apostles' ownership of goods. In 1325 a portion of the order separated itself 
from the rest, and a small group including Michael of Cesena eventually 
took up residence at the court of Louis IV of Bavaria in 1329. Pope John's 
bull of 1329 "Quia vir reprobus" articulated once again his position on the 
right to hold property, based on his interpretation of Scripture that Christ 
and his Apostles did in fact hold property, a position clearly at odds with 
the Spirituals' position and as well that of the Michaelists, the latter once the 
"personification . . . of orthodoxy."'" 

The dogs in the first image then may well provide a connection be- 
tween the pontificates of Nicholas III and John XXII, for not only did each 
pope make a major statement on poverty and the Rule, but if "dogs were 
snapping" at the Franciscans at the time of "Exiit," which Nicholas III 
implied in the prologue to that bull, then they were clearly gaining in num- 
bers and force by the time of John XXII's bulls. Moreover, Pope John's bull 
"Quia nonnunquam" (March 1322) declared that as pope he had the auth- 
ority to alter rulings established in earlier buUs, in this case with specific 
reference to "Exiit."'' 

Certainly at the distance of John's pontificate, Nicholas's bull was a 
"friendly" one, but, as well, it also marked the "initium malorum" noted in 
the usual caption to picture and text number one. 

Picture 2 

Of the key items in picture two, pope (usually identified as Martin IV, 
1281-1285), serpent and one or two crows, only the two crows attacking 
a snake-like serpent appear in the corresponding image of the Leo Oracles. 



' A recent discussion of John XXII and his confrontation with the Franciscan order is that 
of Oakley, "John XXII." He gives a more sympathetic view of Pope John's motives and 
thinking than do the standard authorities: Decima Douie, Vie Nature and Effect of the Heresy of 
the FraticelH (Manchester, 1932); Malcolm Lambert, Franciscan Poverty (London, 1961); LefF, 
Heresy; and John Moorman, A History of the Franciscan Order (Oxford, 1968). See also Burr, Olivi 
and Franciscan Poverty; Tabarroni, Paupertas Christi; and Roberto Lambertini, Apologia e crescita 
deWidentitcifrancescana (1255-1279) (Rome, 1990), 154-186. 

'" Leff, Heresy, 238. 

^' An irony, since, as Thomas Turley points out, the Spiritual Franciscans on the whole 
supported the notion of papal infallibility and of course John came to be the proponent of such 
a notion. See Thomas Turley, "The Ecclesiology of Guido Terreni" (Ph.D. diss., Cornell Uni- 
versity, 1979). See also Brian Tiemey, Origins of Papal InfallihiUty 1150-1350, 2nd ed. (Leiden, 
1988, originally pubUshed 1972). 



THE PICTURE TRADITION 99 

Pipini in his description uses the term anguilla or "eel" instead of "serpent," 
and elsewhere in the passage refers to Martin IV's fondness for eels. With 
the exception of A, which describes a diaconus, CDFLMPV show a pope, in 
some instances holding a pastoral staff (a standard with a cross at the top). 
CDFP show a snake-Hke serpent (figure 2) similar to the one in the Leo 
Oracles, although C's and D's have dog-like heads and D adds forepaws to 
the snake's body. L, M, and V show distinct variations: L a green spotted 
salamander-like serpent with six legs; the bird in L is atop the papal tiara 
and appears to be looking down at the serpent; M shows a serpent 
entwined about a tree trunk, two birds sitting in leaves at the top of the 
tree, and a small kneeling figure to the pope's other side (figure 3); V a 
pope holding a book in one hand, a dragon figure to one side, and a stan- 
dard with a large bird, beak open, atop it (figure 4). 

The testimony of the commentary on the cardinal prophecies makes it 
clear that in the earliest version the subject of the prophecy was a cardinal, 
Matteo Rosso Orsini. Rehberg argues, as noted elsewhere, that the diaconus 
referred to in the Vatican 3822 copy is probably a cardinal. The commen- 
tary also identifies Matteo Rosso Orsini with the "flying serpent," so it is 
not altogether certain from the commentary (apart from the evidence of the 
Vatican 3822 copy of the prophecies) that the earUest version of the image 
showed a human figure.'^ It is easier to see how the figure became a 
pope, given Rehberg's dating of the commentary. It is difficult to determine 
at what point the elements of serpent and crows ceased to retain specific 
references to the Orsini and anti-Orsini forces; certainly Pipini did not read 
the image in that way. 

Picture 3 

The key items in picture three include a pope (usually identified as 
Honorius IV, 1285-1287), a smaller figure, usually suppHcating, to one side, 
an eagle surmounting the papal tiara, and a unicorn, in some instances with 
its horn touching either the pope's eye or the base of the tiara. This picture 
corresponds to figure three in the Leo Oracles, which shows, in two 
different versions, the imperial eagle with a cross hanging from its beak, and 
a large unicorn with a smaller figure to one side. Pipini describes the animal 
as a rhinoceros, a not uncommon confusion (Job 39: 9-12).'-^ A describes 
the main figure as ima^o similis priori, that is, another diaconus, but includes 



'- Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 53. 

'^ See Albert the Great, Man and Beasts, 47, 160. 



100 INTRODUCTION 



the Other items, calling the small figure a puer. In CD and M, the unicorn 
is not attacking. All show the eagle, although in V, the bird is in profile and 
not clearly an eagle. A cross is next to the eagle's head in D; the eagle has 
a nimbus in C. 

In medieval iconography the unicorn has two contrasted meanings. On 
the one hand, it is associated with the virgin who easily lures it into docile 
captivity by her purity. This is a common medieval theme, which derives 
ultimately from the Greek Physiolo^us.^'^ On the other hand, fierce uni- 
corns are frequently identified with the persecutors or enemies of Christ, a 
figure drawn from Ps. 22:23.^^ In the Genus nequam prophecies the most 
common rendering of the unicorn is obviously reminiscent of the virgin 
and unicorn tradition — as distinct from the Greek tradition of the Leo 
Oracles, where the unicorn rears itself alone — ^but its fiercely attacking horn 
suggests the second interpretation. Perhaps the double image is intentional. 
What relation, if any, this image has with a prophecy recorded by Bartho- 
lomew Cotton (d. ca. 1298), as from Joachim of Fiore, inc. "Egredietur uni- 
cornis de plaga occidentaU cum vexillo leopardorum ..." is uncertain. ^^' 

The commentary on the cardinal prophecies mentions explicitly the 
unicorn and eagle (and apparently refers to the cross); the subject of the text 
is Jacopo Savelli, a member of the Orsini party that elected Nicholas III, but 
who as Honorius IV worked to retrieve Sicily for the French. The com- 
mentator glosses "unicorn" by noting Jacopo Savelli's role as "defender of the 
bears." Rehberg connects the text and picture referred to in the commentary 
to the description in the Vat. lat. 3822 manuscript (a diaconus with corona) 
and also to the picture for unit three in the Florentine manuscript. ^^ 

Picture 4 

There is considerably wider variation in the picture tradition for unit 
four. LPV show two columns and between them a vessel with the head of 
a cleric. A hand extends from right-hand column and holds the tail of a 
"dolphin" or flying fish which in turn extends over the head of the cleric 



''' See Rudiger R. Beer, Urdconi: Myth and Reality, trans. Charles M. Stern (New York, 
1977); Nikolaus Henkel, Studicn zum Physiologus im Mittclalter (Tubingen, 1976). I thank David 
Heffher for these references. 

'-'' Marrow, Passion Iconography, 33-43. 

^^' Historia AngUcana, ed. Henry Richards Luard, RoUs Series (London, 1859), 239-240; see 
also Reeves, Injluence of Prophecy, 75, and Rupert Taylor, Tlie PoHtical Prophecy in England (New 
York, 1911), 87. 

'^ Rehberg, " •Kardinalsorakel'," 68-69, esp. n. 92. 



THE PICTURE TRADITION 101 

apparently to "attack" the crowned head on the left column. F shows a 
single vessel similar to the middle vessel (or capital) in LPV, with the head 
of a cleric and curved handle-Uke attachment extending over this head 
(figure 5). M shows three columns, a crowned head on the left-hand one, 
a cleric's head on the middle column and a hand from the right-hand one 
holding a scimitar over the head of the cleric. Pipini's description mentions 
a head of a bird (avis), its beak supporting a nest {rostra sustinens nidum), 
which, in turn, holds the head of a cleric. ^^ This does not correspond to 
any one picture: none shows the bird or the nest. Nidum can be a 
"nest-shaped bowl," or "goblet"; L, F. and V show a vessel of this sort. 
"Rostrum" can be a "beak-like" shape as in the prow of a ship, perhaps 
similar to the curved "inverted handle" attached to the vessel in F. 

Of the manuscript group ACDF, none has columns; A has no descrip- 
tion for this picture; F has the vessel noted above with the bust of a ton- 
sured figure. In C and D, pictures and texts for units four and five are pre- 
sented together on a single page (figure 6). The portion of the combined 
picture that can be called four shows a head resting on the serrated edge of 
a sickle. ^'^ The hair stands out like rays in C. 

The commentary on the cardinal prophecies helps to account for the 
evolution of this fourth image, for the commentary notes a severed head 
and sickle in the picture, elements found in the Cambridge and Oxford 
copies and alluded to in the Florentine copy, in the form of the handle-like 
attachment. The subject of the commentary is Latino Malabranca, 
particularly in his role as pope-maker and manipulator of papal elections.^^^ 
The relation of this image to those in the corresponding Leo Oracles is 
complex. The Lambecius version (PG 107:1153) shows the king with sickle 
and rose appropriated in most Genus nequam copies to number five. Jeanne 
Basquin-Vereecken's work has demonstrated, however, that there is consid- 
erable variety among the manuscript witnesses of the Leo Oracles, both in 
the arrangment of the sequence and in the content of the images. One 
group of witnesses corresponds to the Lambecius version; a second group 
shows a head, and yet a third group shows a combination of the head and 



'" Pipini's description: "[Pontifex] est enim inclusus Columnae, ita ut nonnisi caput appareat 
mithratum, & ante se alias duas habet columnas, in quarum una est caput avis, rostro sustinens 
nidum, in quo est caput senis Clerici." {Chrotiicori, Cap. 23, col. 728.) 

''^ The conflated image in CD includes elements of pictures four (head resting on serrated 
blade), five (figure with sickle and angel), and six (heads of two kings). The head resting on on 
the serrated blade is unique to CD and to the version adduced fi:om the commentary (in M the 
instrument is held over the head of the cleric; however, in the fifteenth-century MSS and in the 
sixteenth-century prmted editions, the scimitar is below the head). 

-" Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'." 56. 



102 * INTRODUCTION 



a king with sickle and rose.^' It would seem that, in the case of the manu- 
script group LPVN, this uncertainty in the source (and change of referent) 
allowed for the elaboration of columns, retaining the middle column or 
vessel. This would offer an opportunity for direct political allusion. Thus 
the coluriins surely refer to the Colonna family while the clerical head 
emerging from the vessel points to Nicholas IV (1288—1292) who was de- 
pendent on the Colonna family. 

The significance of the flying fish or dolphin is more puzzling: the pos- 
sibilities include reference to the Dauphine, to the heir to the French 
throne, or to the dolphin as a symbol of resurrection and salvation. Joseph 
Strayer traces the history of its identification first of all with the counts of 
Vienne in the area known as the Dauphine,^^ and after 1334 as an em- 
blem of the heir to the French throne. By 1349 Philip VI had determined 
that it should be the eldest son who should rule this territory of Dau- 
phine. ^^ The problem is that no satisfactory connection can be made to 
the pope usually identified with this picture, Nicholas IV. Philip the Fair 
was king of France during Nicholas's reign, but Charles V (1364—1380) was 
the first royal dauphin. 

Perhaps M's version of the picture in its later form which, significantly, 
is closest to most fifteenth-century forms, as well as to the Regiselmo 
printed edition, gives the best possible key to the transmission from the 
earlier form of the image to the later. Here, instead of a dolphin, a scimitar 
is held over the tonsured head (figure 7). Thus the interpretation might be: 
the columns, the Colonna family; the crowned head, Philip the Fair; the 
cleric, Nicholas IV; the scimitar, perhaps a reference to the aborted crusades 
of Philip the Fair and Edward I and/or the fall of Acre in 1291. 

Picture 5 

The pattern of variations in picture number five is linked to that in 
number four, although all manuscripts contain some combination of the key 



-' This information is based on the as yet unpubUshed edition of the Leo Oracles which has 
been prepared by Dr. Jeanne Basquin-Vereecken of Ghent; see also Reeves, "The Vaticima," 
148-149, n. 13; and above, "The Prophecies," n. 17. 

~ "Dauphin," Dictionary of the Middle Ages, 10 vols. (New York, 1984-1989), vol. 4: 107- 
108. Strayer notes that "... originally the name seems to have been only a way to distinguish 
the counts, most of whom were called Guigues, from other men of the same name. ... By 1248 
dalphinus was becoming a tide; by the 1280's [sic] it had supplanted that of count" (107). 

-•' See William M. Hinkle, Tlie Fkurs de Lis of the Kings of France 1285-1488 (Carbondale 
and Edwardsville, 1991), 44-45 and PI. 16, Secret Seals of Charles V, 1376, which shows two 
dolphins very similar in design to those in the Lunel, Monreale, and Vatican 3819 MSS. 



THE PICTURE TRADITION 103 

elements: monk or figure holding a sickle and a rose, and an angel (cf. 
Apoc. 14:14-16). The corresponding Leo Oracle picture (number five, PG 
107:1553) shows an emperor or king, holding a crook or sickle in one hand 
and a rose in the other, being crowned by an angel.^'* The conflation of 
pictures four and five (and one element of picture six) in C and D reflect 
both the multiple versions of unit four in the Leo Oracles, and also the 
connections between units four and five of the commentary on the cardinal 
prophecies. Rehberg describes unit five as the "companion" to unit four, 
here describing or referring to Latino Malabranca's role in the papacy of 
Celestine V.^^ The commentary refers to the figure holding a rose and a 
sickle, the rose a symbol of the papacy and the sickle apparently connected 
to the "cutting of the rose."^^' 

The important variations are not so much in the images themselves as in 
the way(s) the images do or do not point to Celestine V (5 July-13 Dec. 
1294). While the description in A makes no mention of an angel, the 
important difierence is that the main figure is described as a "juvenis." C 
and D show a figure (of uncertain age) holding a sickle in one hand and an 
angel in the other (omitting the rose). The figure, although simply dressed 
and barefoot, is not clearly a monk and certainly not a pope. Thus what 
distinguishes A— CD as a group is the absence of any identification of the 
main figure with Celestine V. 

Pipini, identifying the pope as Celestine V and noting his canonization 
in 1313, describes the figure as a religious, tonsured, and wearing a hood 
(concullam), holding a reaper's sickle in his right hand and a rose in his left. 
M is noteworthy in that it is the only one to show a hooded figure (as de- 
scribed by Pipini), while the main figure is in profile rather than in the 
usual frontal position (figure 8). P contains the only other significant varia- 
tion: the addition of a symbol variously interpreted as either a sideways "B" 
or shackles, and an unidentifiable object on the right, which in the printed 
edition of 1589 (figure 9) is a leg. Robert Lemer first suggested that the 
sideways "B" might be a shackle or leg manacle, an allusion to Celestine V's 



^* For interpretation of the Leo Oracle, particularly its reference to Andronicus I Comnenus, 
see Mango, "Legend of Leo the Wise," 64. Not all copies of the Leo Oracles show the angel 
(Reeves. "The Vaticinia," 148-149). 

^^ On references to Celestine V in units four and five, see Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 58- 
59 and commentary V: 11 1-1 12, 118-119. 

^^ In unit four, the rose points to Latino Malabranca as pope-maker (Rehberg, " 'Kardinals- 
orakel'," 55, n. 41, references to the rose and sword in papal ceremonies and to Salimbene's 
Cronicon [p. 572], where Rehberg notes, "Is it a coincidence that before the description of the 
pontificate of Honorius IV there is a long excursus on the golden rose?" [my translation]). 



104 INTRODUCTION 



imprisonment by Boniface VIII.^^ Whether the two additional symboHc 
objects were part of the original image in P or were added later remains to 
be determined.'^^ 

Picture 6 

The key elements in picture number six include the pope, usually 
identified as Boniface VIII, and a cow (vacca), elements which are common 
to all the manuscripts (although the enumeration is different in CD), and to 
Pipini's description. The corresponding Leo picture (number six, PG 107: 
1154) shows a cow and two heads. These heads are mitred in F, crowned 
in FLPV (CD shows them in the combination picture 4-5); M shows two 
heads with secular headgear, not crowns. 

The commentary on the cardinal prophecies refers to a cow and two 
crowned heads as well as to the "fifth son of the bear," identified by Reh- 
berg as Giordano Orsini.^'^ All versions of the Genus nequam prophecies 
show a pope in this image, and the description of the picture in the Vatican 
3822 copy is the only one of the descriptions to refer explicitly to a pope. 
The text of the commentary in what Rehberg considers to be an interpola- 
tion (ca. 1297) does refer to Celestine V's death and to Boniface VIII; 
nonetheless it is impossible to determine with certainty if the original image 
referred to showed a human figure. The reference to bulls or calves as the 
tormentors or enemies of Christ might well be based on imagery drawn 
from Ps. 21:13-14;-^" however if, as the commentary suggests (VI : 122- 



^^ In fifteenth-century manuscripts like that of Vatican Library, MS Ross. 374, the shackle 
alludes to "Baldassare Cossa's imprisonment by the Council of Constance," and the "leg" a visual 
representation of the name "Cossa" (Lemer, personal communication, 24 June 1988); see also 
David HefFner, "Eyn umndcrliche Weyssagung von dem Babstumh: Medieval Prophecy into Re- 
formation Polemic" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1991), 115, n. 61, and 91-96 for 
evidence that this object, "shackles" or "stocks," is, in later versions of the pope prophecies, a 
fire-steel. See also two copies of the Ascetide calve series, one in Vienna, Osterreichische Natio- 
nalbibliothek, MS 13648 [Suppl. 1071], fol. 4, for a prisoner of Boniface VIII's wearing shackles 
(here similar to stocks), and another in Saint-Gall, Vadianische BibUothek, MS 342, fol. 4, where 
the prisoner is wearing similar shackles. To my knowledge the shackles do not appear in any 
copy of the Genus nequam prophecies before the appearance of the stocks in the St. Gall and 
Vienna copies of the Asccnde calve series. 

-^ See above, "Description of MSS: P." p. 83 and n. 85. 

-■^ See commentary VI:120-123 and Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 59-61. 

^'' Marrow, Passion Iconography, 34, also 261, n. 121, and Fig. 3, "Christ Encompassed by 
Bulls," reproduced from the 9th-century Stuttgart Psalter, Wiirttembergische Landesbibliothek, 
MS Biblia, fol. 23; although the Latin text reads "vacca," clearly the Leo picture was read as a 
bull: see Mango, "Legend of Leo the Wise," 62-64. 



THE PICTURE TRADITION 105 

123), Giordano Orsini is signified by the figure of the cow and one of his 
attributes is that he is "a friend of the friends of the church" (111:123), then 
it is necessary to look elsewhere for the significance of the cow. 

Picture 7 

For picture number seven, in some manuscripts identified with Benedict 
XI (1303-1304), all show a pope, bear and nursing young, except for ACD, 
which substitute a king for the pope. The Leo Oracles (number seven, PG 
107:1153) show only the bear and three or four cubs. The key element in 
the picture, apart from the main figure of the pope or king, is the bear and 
cubs. The cubs vary in number from one to five (there is no longer the 
testimony of the commentary on the cardinal prophecies) :-^^ Pipini de- 
scribes a bear and twin cubs (gemini); LMPV show two cubs, CD five, F 
one; Pipini describes the bear as touching the right side of the pope, but 
only V shows the bear touching the pope. 

It is unclear how or even if the iconography of the bear and cubs relates 
to Benedict XL The first bear picture in the Leo Oracles was clearly fitted 
to the Orsini pope, Nicholas III, but this second one may be used simply 
because the first line of the relevant Oracle text requires it. In biblical 
imagery, the she-bear robbed of her cubs is a simile for human anger (2 
Sam. 17:8, Isa. 59:11); a bear alone is a simile for a wicked ruler (Prov. 
28:15); and in the imagery of the Apocalypse is a component of the com- 
posite beast in Apoc. 13:2 and Dan. 7:15. The suckling bear alone or with 
two cubs is also an image of Rome. 

Picture 8 

Picture number eight shows a cityscape or fortress apparently under 
siege; only the L illuminator identifies this picture and prophecy with 
Clement V (1305-1314). F has the symbol Jj)# , 6* ^elow the text and 
above the cityscape (figure 10). The corresponding Leo picture (number 
eight, PG 107:1154) shows a city and below it a head in a vessel. Rays 
extend from this head toward the city. Only CD and F show both these 
features, the head and the rays, although the vessel is missing in F. F's draw- 
ing is distinguished by a figure in a tower dropping rocks on those below. 
V alone shows three arches instead of the cityscape: two each contain two 



^' On the number of units in the commentary on the cardinal prophecies, see Rehberg, 
" 'Kardinalsorakel'," 100-101; see also Lerner, "Recent Work," 154 and n. 29. 



106 INTRODUCTION 



soldiers with shields, the third has a single figure with shield, wearing a 
visor over its face (figure 11). Pipini makes no reference to this image. 

Picture 9 

Although Pipini identifies the pope in picture nine as Clement V, 
iconographical analysis supports the assumption that in the earliest version 
no reference to Clement V was intended. The key elements in the image 
are a pope and an animal, usually a fox, with crossed standards arranged 
above its back. The corresponding Leo picture (number nine, PG 107: 
1155) shows a fox with three crossed standards above its back, each bearing 
a cross. Pipini describes a pope and a fox with the three standards, more or 
less as represented in LM. CD show a pope carrying a pastoral staff in one 
hand, and scroll or large seal (D) in the other. The animal in C looks like 
a bear and in D rather like a dog; the animal in P looks more like a dog 
than a fox, in V it is a donkey. CD show as well the two extended hands 
(signs of threat or suppHcation) usually found in picture ten. The other 
details, crossed standards and the pope, are consistent throughout the 
manuscripts, although P has several details unique to it, a bird, upside 
down, atop a standard and a small shield (figure 12).-^^ There is zjleur de 
lis atop one of the standards in L and atop two in V.^^ F shows a pope 
holding a large key in one hand and either a scroll or book in the other. To 
the side is an upright animal, most likely a fox, with a key balanced on its 
head and holding a single large banner with a large cross on it. F's 
iconography suggests a threat to the papacy itself, as the fox carries off the 
symbols of the papacy, the key and the banner so often found in conjunc- 
tion with representations of the Lamb of God Triumphant. 

Picture 10 

For picture number ten, CD show an empty throne and below it a hand 
extended towards the throne (figure 13), similar to the corresponding pic- 
ture in the Leo Oracles (number ten, PG 107:1156).-^^ FMLPV show a 



^- This shield in the lower third of the image is dark with a blue band decorated with a 
wavy line and four white dots. 

■'•' See Hinkle, Fkurs de Us, 112, also 171, n. 1. The Lunel MS also shows a standard bearing 
the feur de Us but identifies prophecy eight with Clement V. The Douce and Corpus Christi 
manuscripts show an angel holding a standard bearing the fleur de lis in picture thirteen (twelve 
in CD's numbering). 

^^ Although the text of prophecy ten corresponds to Leo Oracles ten and eleven, the image 
of prophecy ten is drawn only from Leo Oracle number ten. Jeanne Basquin-Vereecken argues 



THE PICTURE TRADITION 107 

cityscape or fortress with three hands to one side, extended towards the 
city.-^^ In LPV one of these hands emerges from the battlements of the 
city. The hands in L and P are in pairs, held in a gesture of supplication. In 
F the city is superimposed against a series of "lumps," perhaps meant to 
represent the seven hills of Rome. ■^'' 

Although the number and position of the hands might seem minor, this 
element (along with the evidence of the captions) helps to date the 
LMNPV group. Millet and Rigaux have argued persuasively that the copy 
of the "papalarius" owned by Bernard Delicieux was in close proximity to 
the Lunel and Monreale copies.-^^ V, a copy quite certainly later than LP 
or N, shows the hands in the same position, but does not share features of 
the captions. 

Picture 11 

For prophecy eleven all pictures show a main figure, nude or clothed 
only in a loincloth, seated or reclining on a sarcophagus or rock, with a 
smaller figure to one side. This corresponds to number twelve in the Leo 
Oracles; the Genus nequam sequence omits Leo Oracle eleven, a unicorn. 
The images vary only in details (figures 14-17). The main figure is clearly 
tonsured only in LV. His gestures vary somewhat: he has one hand to his 
head, the other to the side in CDM (as in the Leo picture); one hand 
extended as if in blessing in F,-^^ hands raised in the orans gesture in LP, 
one hand extended, the other part-way to the head in V. The loincloth in 
P has a decorated band at the waist and the figure in F is naked. The 
smaller figure wears a simple robe, belted in D, unbelted in C, arms crossed 
in front. In M the smaller figure is tonsured, arms extended down to side 
front. In V this figure, the same size as the main figure, has arms extended 
as if in conversation and wears a short robe and long hood. In F his arms 
are extended and he wears a short belted robe. The figure in L has hands 



that units nine and ten were interpolated in the Oracles (personal communication from Marjorie 
Reeves). 

•''' CD alone show two supplicating or threatening hands in picture nine (eight in CD's 
enumeration). 

^^' Lerner, "On the Origins," 621, n. 24, sees in the image of the city in F the "remnants of 
a throne." 

■^^ Millet and Rigaux, "Aux origines," 137-138, call attention to the position of the hands 
in this image (and to the captions), noting the correspondence between the image in the Lunel 
and Monreale MSS and the copy of the "papalarius" owned by Bernard DeUcieux. 

^" See Fleming, "Metaphors," 145, n. 33: in antique art, the hand to the head denotes 
dreaming, arms wrapped about the body, sleeping. The former gesture is also associated with 
grief or mourning. 



108 * INTRODUCTION 



clasped as if in prayer. CDF add a sun or stylized star, following the Leo 
Oracle feature of a stylized sun and moon. CD add a rectangle containing 
an ecclesiastical cross with two crossbars, not found in the Leo Oracles. 
Thus manuscripts of the Genus nequam sequence all show the same main 
image: a figure being called from sleep or great solitude by a herald or this 
person's awakening being witnessed by another.-^'^ (The figure has as well 
all the attributes of "Job on the the Dungheap.'"^^^ The addition of the 
ecclesiastical cross in CD, particularly in conjunction with the sun (Mai. 
4:2), as well as the F scribe's identification "papa nudus," suggests that firom 
the earliest point this figure was meant to signify a pope."^' 

Brief reference must be made. here to the puzzling problem of whether 
or how the legend of Gregorius, the hermit who becomes pope, relates to 
this image in the Genus nequam prophecies. The main elements in the 
climax of the story — the miraculous directions from God, the finding of the 
holy hermit on the rock, the summons to become pope — are similar to the 
dramatic calling of the hermit-pope in the Genus nequam sequence. The 
Gregorius story goes back at least to the 1180s. Strangely, the Leo Oracles, 
which are undoubtedly the main source of the Genus nequam prophecies, 
appeared at the same period and with a similar image. Was there an older 
piece of folklore concerning a holy hermit on a rock miraculously sum- 
moned to become emperor/pope? If so, this may have contributed to the 
evolution of the angelic pope myth as developed later firom Joachim's 
prophetic utterances which do not include this specific image."^^ 



•''^ For some of the many references to the 'sleeping hero awakened, see Fleming, 
"Metaphors," 146, n. 39; see also Heffner, "Eyti wunderliche WeyssaS'^tiji" 33-41. 

'"' Fleming, "Metaphors," 145, n. 33; HefFner, "Eyri wunderliche Weyssagmij^," 34-35, and 47, 
n. 4; also most recently Samuel Terrien, The Iconography of Job Tlirough the Centuries: Artists as 
BihUcal Interpreters (University Park, Pa., 1996). Characteristic features include the Job figure 
seated on stones or on a bench, foot on stool, often wearing classical pallium covering left shoul- 
der, right side bare or garment with ends draped over arm, hand on knee, other hand on bench. 
Over time Job was seen less as righteous king and more often as suffering martyr, a forerunner 
of the suffering Christ or a type of the suffering Church against heretics, or as prophet of new 
hfe, linked to John the Baptist (Terrien, Iconoj^raphy of Job, 90). Hand gestures changed to a 
flexed arm with head on fist or one hand to head; often one hand on knee, one leg still raised 
as if supported by a footstool, but no footstool. Job is often shown with Elihu, with Elihu either 
gesturing in debate or with arms crossed on chest. Many of these features are found in unit 
eleven of the Genus nequam images: the only element consistendy rmssmg is Job's sores, to be 
sure an element not always present in the traditional images of Job. 

^^ Hugh of Novocastro, writing as early as 1315, refers to a "libellus of Roman pontifls" and 
calls particular attention to the "papa nudus." 

''- On the Gregorius legend, see HefFner, "Eyn wunderUche Weyssagung" 39-41. 



the pictur e tradition 109 

Picture 12 

For picture number twelve, CDF's iconography (figure 18) is based on 
that of Leo Oracle thirteen, which shows a shroud-wrapped figure, some- 
times identified as an emperor by the eagle near its head, borne aloft on the 
backs of four animals (although only three show clearly), while an angel 
anoints the figure with oil. CDF have these elements with minor variations, 
except that, instead of the shroud-wrapped figure, an angel holds a papal 
tiara over the four animals. CF omit the bird, D shows it in flight. F shows 
a sarcophagus, surmounted by arcs bearing four animal heads (figure 19). 
The animals in CD are two bears and two dog-like animals. What CDF 
and the Leo Oracle pictures have in common is an image suggesting both 
death and ascension, that is, the summoning of a "dead" figure to life. The 
number and position of the animals, the arc in F, the angel holding a scroll 
in C, call to mind the iconic language of Ezekiel's vision (Ezek. 1:1—28), 
the ascension of Elijah (2 Kings 2:11), as well as the language of the 
Apocalypse. "^-^ 

In another group of manuscripts only residual traces of the dead figure 
remain in the supporting animals. MP show a haloed figure, apparently an 
angel, holding a papal tiara (a mitre in M), over the heads of two or four 
animals, four cubs in P, two bears and two dogs in M. The figure in M 
holds a book as well. Only LV show a tonsured pope on a throne or bench 
holding the tiara over the heads of four rabbits, with one hand, and with 
the other pointing towards the rabbits. The four copies LMPV retain in the 
number and position of the animals something of the iconographical sig- 
nificance of the more explicit imagery in CDF. Later copies of the Genus 
nequam prophecies show here a pope holding the tiara over the heads of 
sheep, the sheep in a cluster, mouths touching the flaps or fanons of the 
tiara, an image of the papal shepherd "feeding his sheep." The variations in 
treating this image may reflect the fact that the logical order in the source 
has been disturbed, that is, that the "mummified" figure should precede the 
man awakening.'^'^ 



^■^ For a recent discussion of the transmission and transformation of the images of apotheosis 
and ascension, see Michael Lieb, The Visionary Mode: Biblical Prophecy, Henneticutics, and Cuhural 
Chatijie (Ithaca, N.Y., 1991); for antecedents and analogues see H. P. L'Orange, Studies on the 
Iconography of Cosmic Kingship in the Ancient World (Oslo, 1953), especially p. 36 on medieval 
symbols of cosmic kingship (sun, moon, stars). Fig. 88, a relief fragment of the ascension of 
Alexander (Castel S. Angelo, Rome), Fig. 89, ascension of Alexander (ivory casket in Darmstadt) 
and the connection between apotheosis and throne-ritual. 

'''' See above, n. 34. 



110 ' " INTRODUCTION 



Picture 13 

For picture thirteen, there is little variation: all are essentially, similar, 
showing a pope being crowned by an angel. In all but V the pope is 
standing; in M the pope wears a mitre rather than the papal tiara (character- 
istic of M, only in picture fourteen does the pope wear a tiara). In LP the 
pope's gestures are similar to those in picture eleven. In CD the pope holds 
a pastoral staff, the angel a standard with a stylized Jleur de lis atop. This 
picture corresponds to a combination of numbers fourteen and fifteen in the 
Leo Oracles, showing a king holding a sceptre, and an angel holding a 
vessel from which oil flows. 



Picture 14 

The key elements in picture fourteen are a pope and two angels. In 
some versions of the fifteenth Leo Oracle picture, the angel is anointing a 
kneeling king. Only F and V show the pope being crowned by the two 
angels; in all the others the two angels stand one at each side holding a 
tapestry or decorated cloth behind the bench or throne. The image in P has 
several features unique to it: the pope stands, facing front (his face blotted 
out), pope and two angels enclosed in a decorated arch. Below and to each 
side are the torsos of dog-Hke animals. The number and position of these 
animals call to mind both the images of apotheosis noted above in picture 
twelve and as well the so-called "throne of Dagobert," the folding chair, 
which "after its restoration at Saint-Denis in the twelfth century . . . was 
regularly used for the coronation of the kings of France. '"^■'* 

Picture 15 

The picture tradition for the fifteenth prophecy encompasses three ver- 
sions and represents a clear departure from the concluding picture in the 
Leo Oracles, which shows emperor and patriarch together, the priestly 
figure in some examples anointing the secular figure, with no eschatological 
overtones. In what is apparently the earliest version, the fifteenth picture 
shows a pope holding a papal tiara in one hand and a book in the other, as 
in CDM. A second version, as in LPV, shows the pope holding tiara and 



*^ Sumner McKnight Crosby, edited and completed by Pamela Z. Blum, Vie Royal Abbey, 
of Saint- Denis: From Its Beginnings to the Death of Suger, 475-1151 (New Haven, 1987), 45-46, 
here 45, also Fig. 19; see also Francois Bucher, Tlie Pamplona Bibles (New Haven, 1970), vol. 1, 
127-128. n. 70. 



THE PICTURE TRADITION 111 

book as the fifteenth picture, and a crowned beast with human face, alone 
in LV, accompanied by a short prophecy in P, as a sixteenth image. The 
third version, as in F (figure 20) and characteristic of fifteenth-century 
manuscripts as well as the printed editions of the sixteenth century (figure 
21), shows a pope holding a book in one hand and the papal tiara in the 
other, held over the head of a crowned and homed animal with human 
face. C is unique among fourteenth-century copies in showing a beaver as 
the sixteenth image. "^^^ 

There are, as well, significant differences among the manuscripts show- 
ing the beast, FLPV. The Vatican copy shows the beast picture, with no 
accompanying text, but it adds a text firom Nah. 3:12, foretelling the 
destruction of the city of Nineveh, to the body of the fifteenth prophecy. 
The Lunel manuscript shows the beast picture separately. The scribe and 
artist thought of it as an addition, for there is an explicit after picture fifteen, 
and it is preceded by five texts, including the pseudo-Hildegard "Insurgent 
gentes," and the Joachite text, "In die ilia elevabitur draco. . . .'"^^ The 
Monreale copy includes the caption, "Caput superbie," and a text firom 
Dan. 4:13."^^ (The Paris Archives manuscript has the same caption and the 
text from Daniel, but the picture, here as elsewhere, has not been exe- 
cuted.) The Florentine manuscript shows a beast incorporated into picture 
fifteen, but one quite different from that in the Monreale, Lunel, and Vati- 
can manuscripts, even allowing for the fact that F's artist was no profession- 
al. The beast in F, identified on its torso as Antichrist, has a headdress often 
horns or feathers, rather than a crown."^'^ 

The sequence of these additions needs some examination. Which came 
first? The image of the beast, then the Daniel text and caption, or was the 
text from Nahum added before the Daniel text? It can be said with cer- 
tainty that the characteristic version of the late fourteenth century, and all 
subsequent versions, has the beast of picture sixteen incorporated into pic- 
ture fifteen, and both texts, the Nahum text incorporated as the last 
sentence of prophecy fifteen, and the Daniel text usually following, but set 



^^' See above, "Description of Manuscripts: C." 

*^ See above, "Description of Manuscripts: L." 

*" See Daneu Lattanzi, "I 'Vaticinia Pontificum'," 792, n. 6; the text from Nahum is added 
below the Daniel text but in a bter hand. 

^'* F shows a pope, arms extended, holding a papal cross (with three crossbars) in one hand 
and the papal tiara in the other. Below the text of the prophecy in the same hand is the hne: 
"papa cum libro in manu et cum metria." There is no book in the picture and the scribe makes 
no mention of the animal. See also Millet and Rigaux, "Aux origines," 140; Ruth MellinkofF, 
77»e Devil at Ismhcim: Reflections of Popular Belief in CrUnewald's Altarpiece (Berkeley, 1988), 48-49, 
esp. Fig. 33; also eadem, "Demonic Winged Headgear," Viator 16 (1985): 367-381, esp. n. 71. 



112 INTRODUCTION 



apart a bit. Since neither the Lunel nor the Florentine copy has the Nahum 
and the Daniel texts, while Vat. lat. 3819 has only the Nahum, and Paris 
Archives and Monreale only the Daniel text (with the Nahum text added 
separately and later in Monreale), the key question seems to be which came 
first, the addition of the text from Nahum or Daniel or the addition of the 
image? 

Although it is clear that the Lunel, Paris, Monreale, and Vat. lat. 3819 
versions belong to the same family, establishing the exact relation among 
them is more problematic. It is tempting to see the Lunel version as the 
earliest of the group, for its scribe clearly did not know of the addition of 
either the Daniel or Nahum text (although the Lunel copy does share with 
the Vatican copy a "later" version of picture twelve). The Vatican copy was 
executed later than any of the others and is the only one of the group to 
contain the Nahum text, so, on the basis of this admittedly limited evi- 
dence, it can be assumed that the Nahum text was a later addition than the 
Daniel text. The key issue, that is, were the texts in the Lunel copy and the 
Daniel text in the Monreale copy added to make sense of the image of the 
beast or was the beast an illustration of the texts, cannot, on the basis of the 
evidence at hand, be resolved. All that can be said with confidence about 
this middle stage is that, at one point, the beast appeared alone as a six- 
teenth prophecy, and that, at almost the same point, the text from Daniel 
(and the caption) were added to "complete" the prophecy. 

The Yale and Florentine manuscripts represent slightly different recen- 
sions, even though the Yale version has clear affinities with LNPV, and the 
Florentine manuscript with A-CD. Sonographic features, particularly those 
in picture four, mark the Yale manuscript as a later version, yet picture 
fifteen shows only a pope and the prophecy has neither the Nahum nor the 
Daniel verses. The Florentine manuscript- also does not have these verses, 
but shows a pope holding the papal tiara over a beast labelled "antichrist." 
It may well be that the beast was not part of the original image, for, as 
noted elsewhere, there are inconsistencies between the scribal description of 
the picture in F and the picture represented; the prophecies show signs of 
having been brought up to date where original identifications have been 
incompletely erased and new identifications substituted.''" 

Given the evidence of FNP, the beast must be a form of the Antichrist, 
yet, as a representation of the Antichrist, it is apparently unique to the 
Genus nequam prophecies. It is certainly not characteristic of the repre- 
sentations of the Antichrist found in the illustrated Apocalypses of the 



^" See above, "Description of Manuscnpts: F." 



THE PICTURE TRADITION 113 

period.^' It shows similarities to beasts shown in some secular texts, as in 
a London manuscript (a Middle English version of Mandeville's Travels): 
Michael Camille describes this beast as a parody of the Muslim sacred cow, 
which is shown as half ox, half man, crowned and bearded.''^ A second in- 
stance, a beast uncrowned and lying on a covered altar, is show^n in a Paris 
manuscript from the Due de Berry's Livre des Merveilles du Monde, under the 
heading "Child Sacrifice to Muhammad."''-^ 

The simplest explanation may well be that the beast in the Genus nequam 
prophecies is an anti-type of the Lamb of God, although how common 
such a representation might be is open to question. Perhaps it is an anti- 
type in the guise of a secular ruler (i.e., Nebuchadnezzar as he is described 
in Dan. 4:30). In the Monreale manuscript, as noted above, the picture of 
the beast is accompanied by a text from Dan. 4:13: "Cor eius ab humano 
commutetur, et cor fere detur ei, et septem tempora mutentur super eum." 
This is a reference to King Nebuchadnezzar's dream, to be interpreted by 
Daniel. In Dan. 4:30 Nebuchadnezzar "was driven away from among men, 
and did eat grass like an ox, and his body was wet with the dew of heaven: 
till his hairs grew like the feathers of eagles, and his nails like birds' claws" 
(Douay-Rheims translation). The king must stay in exile until he realizes 
that the source of his power comes from God. The lines could be inter- 
preted as meaning Nebuchadnezzar actually would change shape, and, in 
fact, Nebuchadnezzar is represented as an animal eating grass in an early 
fourteenth-century French Bible Historiee in the illustration for Dan. 4:30.'''^ 

If the beast is a representation of the Antichrist, then McGinn is correct 
in interpreting the scene "as the abdication of the pope before the coming 
of the Antichrist, a parallel to the similar abdication found in the imperial 
myths,"'^'' but not, as noted above, in the final picture and text of the Leo 
Oracles. This view is supported by the testimony of the Liber de Flore and, 
later, the Libellus of Telesphorus, both of which describe the coming of the 



^' See above, "Description of Manuscripts," n. 22. 

''- Camille, Gothic Idol, 156-159 and Fig. 87, "The most holy idol of the Muslims" (London, 
British Library, MS. Royal 17.C.XXXVIII, fol. 38^). 

" CamiDe, Gothic Idol, 159, Fig. 88 (Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 2810, fol. 185'); in this 
instance the animal has the body of a hon. 

^^ New York, Pubhc Library, Spencer Collection MS. 22, Bible Historiee; for Nebuchad- 
nezzar as a type of Antichrist, see Emmerson, Antichrist in the Middle Ages, 25-26. McGinn, 
Visions, 329 n. 17 notes a passage in a Joachite Commentary on Jeremiah ". . . in which Nebuchad- 
nezzar and the Babylonian exile are used as a concordance for the coming imperial persecution 
of the Church." According to Reeves {Influence of Prophecy, 56), this text "was in existence at the 
latest by 1248 and probably by 1243." 

'''' McGinn, " 'Pastor Angclicus'," 239, n. 49; see also Reeves, Influence of Prophecy, 403. 



114 INTRODUCTION 



Antichrist during the reign of the third successor to the angeHc pope."*^' 

If it were not for the testimony of the Liber de Flore and the Libellus, 
there would be good reason to agree with McGinn's earUer assessment of 
the image, that it "might signify papal domination over the empire," an 
interpretation suggested earlier as well by Reeves." This interpretation is 
not incompatible with viewing the beast as a secular Antichrist, as Reeves 
also has noted, but it departs somewhat from the particular eschatological 
emphasis of the Liber de Flore and the Libellus of Telesphorus. What seems 
very clear is that the shifting features of the final prophecy, text and image, 
could and did generate a variety of interpretations.^^ 



'*'• On the Uher de Flore and the Uhellus see above, p. 4 and n. 13, also "Description of 
MSS," n. 60. 

" McGinn, Visions of the End, 330, n. 56; Reeves, Infuence of Prophecy, 403, eadem, "Some 
Popular Prophecies," 114. 

^^ Reeves, "Some Popular Prophecies," 123; Heffher, "Eyn wunderUche Weyssa^un^," 56-57 
and 85; see also Lerner, "On the Origins," 623, n. 7 and 628, n. 42, where he suggests that the 
iconography of CD ". . . and the textual evidence of Hugh de Novocastro . . . show that the last 
pope is setting down his tiara, the symbol of the papacy's worldly rule, in favor of a mitre, the 
symbol of spiritual rule." Elsewhere Lerner notes that the originator of the prophecies "surely 
. . . believed or hoped that after the succession of corrupt pontiffs an eschatological revolution 
would install one or more humble and just popes who would reign under the aegis of angels and 
that one such pope would lay down his tiara before the coming of Antichrist" (628). 



- -^110 ^^e^^vm Altec tmttt>&l!m4jm^5 ^aWF^^^ ^!f 






^:t^r" 








f 



Figure 1: Vatidnium I: pope, bear, and nursing cubs. 
Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 88, fol. 140^ 




^Ip& -Lr, r^\: - ^ ^ v.. | -. i^ -.t t f 







Figure 2: Vaticinium II: pope, serpent, and birds. 
Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 404, fol. 88^ 



\ySS 




em 

te^a all 

etitigor - 



i 



Figure 3: Vaticinium II: pope, tree with birds and serpent, kneeling figure. 
Yale, University Library, T. E. Marston MS 225, fol. 15\ 




, ir.il»i«rn:«r;fiiiiiiimu'ft»tt8 

' iij.imnjoni.iif tlUMrain fii.itUr 
afvoitCii^ i»-tamt mulimi t».^n 
\ mpnmt aixtio Uirmtrc nwtttuJ 

jptf vmmprtim luatoumi 

"^ ■" niQ ttrtjni tufj camto 
ipxfmiotmA'tivinxm • 

'1*1 •4nin5 tmih awbtiut) 
fenmuo fmia frivhnns.V.iiftgH 
\m .tt-nioons c(V* a\i5i .mtmi n 

lun-mj ut-Ctiii mmii ctnttni Jitif* 

tcnjii£? Mufau Urt|iumm4 (iib»Ht 
I ctujxiif tuuti ahmituu ui ftit«** 
j' cpiiuniiifitt .tiJffOTfpiaawfwca, 
: utttfas ftacru mnuK(» fiinmtP 

mmo nou® tttitsie tOte ftatt' 
; xomt^es m mono tnttyxihini • 
( 0, dm& numftttiint fljgjmttw . 

uctott'aim iit)& (.7ii<» Wftns ale 

cmic».aomtvmniattoton«nfu« 
dUu? tu ftmia ivtumt qiiit>in<> 

mirtnbiB ukun facimm nmta«. 

rihftftud attaaro iwuu'' 
5r-)vn0 sp m'tmcnt mnctu '' 
fnm^ fonts pu«Jitt(outtc 
pfo:ui0 numirrtatid mnpuo <i 
jftg;im(} liHilUnqtttfitfrnnittrgi 
j^muofim cnflrwo fcrfjcna tntfct' 
Ixwtnjfiip mfc»ir» <iitinn<> a-cfcj ♦ 
ji tmftwmi continmn cttftnis «n 







Figure 4: Vaticinium 11: (lower register) pope, bird on standard, dragon. 
Vatican Library, MS Vat. lat. 3819, fol. 147. 







moue atb?7au Uccau tmx7a:iuf ttoiD 
iutcc.llcapiai$» cnipzlaptuitciicitatte 

wfaanr ftiiJ^ toimb;iin^fiiTriiTC|uo icr 



it. 



IM. 0/ 




^^l^^;feJ^ 



lii»>^*4<^ 



Figure 5: Vaticinium IV: vessel or font and head. 
Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 1222B, fol. 2". 



"mi0 f ?» mmif% tln^mxi' t&ie^Sr ^umh-rf' 
lit tsmtt^mk^mmtiki'. 










Figure 6: Vaticinia IV-V: sickle-bearer. 
Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 404, fol. 89^ 






I 



"^ 



utaft0ne 
mffetmtt 



Figure 7: Vaticinium IV: columns, heads, scimitar. 
Yale, University Library, T. E. Marston MS 225, fol. \6\ 




1ic 

itcmm 

modttiit 

nttmtm 

ittnt&m vmm feim^iiaJe tttmftnmm 
t^imbtt0tnuttlbtttbsi0imttcdto* 




«** ->«. - 



Figure 8: Vatidnium V: sickle-bearer (monk with cowl, small figure). 
Yale, University Library, T. E. Marston MS 225, fol. \T. 



5s » Elatio ^ pauperutis, obcdicntia,catlitas, Caftdmargise > ^ 
^ ^ Hypoed tarumdcftaidio. ^ 

(5 4 al, le^'iwr fotammodovox Flatio pro titalo ,& nil aliuJo . S^ 

(S ** <» al, pauperis. Uf 

^ VATICINIVM XXo 




i 



tATlCINlO XX. £^ 

^ ^lc.lat!one^ dflUfouerta, ohcdtentU.cafttta .deftruwene del- ^ 
! /^ cupidigia sfhrhiia di ma^igtare, cr degtHipocrtti. S 

! 41 a!* fi k'jjc^c !U4ivUui )tbt. foiamentc ia uocc£luao.;c,pci titolo^&nicn |^ 
leakro. ^ al. poucrta. ^ 



Figure 9: Vaticinium V: sickle-bearer (pope). 

Pasquilino Regiselmo, Vatidnia siue Prophetiae Abbatis Joachimi 

et Anselmi Episcopi Marsicani (Venice, 1589), unpaged, Vaticinium XX, 



^pamoncs. cmma^ mifufcttibtlc 
uc Avpairar Ittiii iiio^ tfiictm: at 
Qttt V^nim v^.oixxm cHiitC7Cffu^ 

turcbia tU4 o^icoiteoitaWfW' que 
ocaoir ittnii^fwitm uituout incii 
tea no ccfllv7*i0vtniflc»u ittftiiu c^ 
acaa inummbile imUatupiiK cr 
ox gumo 4mttt4AiA fc^ fepteiimiir 
nidf. 6: mnfeimilapUab\mrfte;m 

apip0i:7imibi6 foTOiiua tucdw vU 
awulum ai% ^ailos- 






Figure 10: Vatidnium VIII: cityscape or fortress under siege. 
Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 1222B, fol. 4''. 



ttrm COTiiuctn faioftf <]% w 0102 mc 

C{iicm •yCimipUCti gu&io mnjjJA >. 

iv nvs auf annce mnnmw umc*". 
scncc uatc m mftutm muJn mbji 
iSnntn m mcoto .•fiianoTr'j.uTifuj 

«i^^^^a .intttti <}Huinnn n fi 

ite mmtttun 4iy>:: plus ipifpi*\ 
Ci nitn Oimree win ttuimiih Aiif 
x>iaa(fimti ioius OJlmuiJia a g<» 
.1 cf mOTnuiS ivtmquce pjtrHti*' 
ftmcp?tmai9 fic-anm vinlucm 
l;oicnmnnc»v<Krnna6 ♦siwft 

imimilJia tin Ccttpcx lit • 
Wn^tuums Mxnttu^ m ul 
i'hmaafmDiriurancfiJCji.'Uts • 
aufutufcpcoimi/te uuinfithfr 

tecnioinaaviioaipitmmn 
" imifa-.xfuftcoiUimr. 

ittr.tinl* utajjxaf ijtinc 
ifiicf Sn<!bit aim vuitm tcmpii'' 
,'ccxtt0 etittcctfitftoCiugiuuii • 
i unw WW] nmpicatcs tto ucftn 

jutrba naw4fiv>nu «ntfti«grf 
Oiicomoititbjitfiiniwrmt Urn 
.■Ujimrtnojtuu iiitiig no ccCCit 
.ippiigna mtrmiw ctntitni tin 
vuttm-nbtic miUntiimmm fac*" 
, giii>u> xoonii.uvtm (ctCcptrm 
iiimutn iiomo mtpitnr fomi 

i^iptoi muutustbTonura ntoc 
\ bunt iittnnu litniat ancanoS' 

' ' ' " '?i>jtwmfLgiunrh anti 

^mm iiait raium fcticv 
:iiSnt»«0 ifws fmfiwtucmme 





im4 



Figure 1 1 : Vaticinium VIII: (third register) arches (fortress) with soldiers, 
Vatican Library, MS Vat. lat. 3819, fol. 148^ 




Figure 12: Vaticinium IX: pope, crossed standards or banners, fox. 
Monreale, Biblioteca Comunale, MS XXV.F.17, fol. 10^ 






cfi 




f*trf/>-/t0 



r, j>iijiiis§ittiir falser t «tafiia« nm^aiic ^timtut^ nti^^m ptm^ 




1R<' -ps r^t— "t r>' 



>4 •nium,tr^1rf^tf 



i 



Figure 13: Vaticinium X: empty throne. 
Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 404, fol. 92'. 





tei;ptiom 

me 

|ttmmtia 

oiiciietur 
tnemm4 
tt0Cfttic 

uciimaitmue et grcmctJititbtie cmi^itr 




Figure 14: Vaticinium XI: figure on rock (hermit summoned forth). 
Yale, University Library, T. E. Marston MS 225, fol. 20^ 






1*^ 



I 





I^^Z.jo^jF^^-^r-o^o-^ 



7{x..'^m 



^ 



Figure 15: Vaticinium XI: figure on sarcophagus (hermit summoned forth). 
Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 88, fol. 144\ 



\_A michi *il 



^ 



£r clctubimr imoie qm be \>wom 
Ardhu4xti4 bAbim cv^noxxt ^ 
I aUciic Uxctxx^ irlinqiic^'niK 

qiucc ffciU4 xruxici avpaitbit wgia. 



'-H.--^ 




Figure 16: Vaticinium XI: naked figure emerging firom rock 

(hermit summoned forth). 

Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 1222B, fol. 6'. 



1 \ I I I I 




Figure 17: Vaticinium XI: seated figure (hermit summoned forth). 
Monreale, Biblioteca Comunale, MS XXV.F.17. fol. 12^ 













Figure 18: Vaticinium XII: angel holding papal tiara bom aloft by animals. 
Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 404, fol. 93^ 



r 



(ft 



tue^ccpmwribtlir cUnmbtciravfe: 
vx cufbltiunua .TOocxfa:iittfq)acDl 
U6;7Uiumtcn6 uiTUhabiawcramicd 
mcu fbtc iftu initigias DJinoe* Ciiud 
imnfucaliiuafiilcaiime^aauxfliiim 
aDmiCiiouiuminiiivapuc; frtntrbA 
Itbie fcpucolU^ iit|XiiuiTU|p m (m)^ 
^it7cuinctiia 




Figure 19: Vaticinium XII: angel holding papal tiara, sarcophagus, 

arcs with animal heads. 

Florence. BibHoteca Riccardiana, MS 1222B, fol. 6^. 



B0114 nm mncinfH 4bnigciiant!oer 
fincquaq^ mrmota lucmlxite gmm 
1iTiui>i4 cxnomxgivciwmoxcutibirio 
tamlilo imiurat^4ilKcc ccfup ceo 
gianae 411107, (T \p ^ itbxo iitiaiivi 



S 



1 




Figure 20: Vaticinium XV: pope, beast with human face. 
Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 1222B, fol. 8^ 



^Reuercntiaj&deuotio argumentabiture g 

a al. pro cituio. Bona vita. ^ 

VATICINIVM 1 

XXX, % 



XXX 




V A T I C ! N I O 

XXX. 

^ La riueren':^, ^ demtion s'aumenura* \ 

a al. per tiio'o, Buouavita. * 



Figure 21: Vaticinium XV: pope, beast with human face. 

PasquiUno Regiselmo, Vatidnia sive Prophetiae Abbatis Joachimi 

et Anselmi Episcopi Marsicani (Venice, 1589), unpaged, Vaticinium XXX. 



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The Late Medieval Pope Prophecies: 

The Genus nequam Group 




''^ fi il 






Picture I: MS Lunel, fol. 4^ 
om. description A. pope seated: pope standing CDFMP, on pedestal CD, pope wears niitre 
(throughout) LM, old-style papal tiara (throughout) in CDFPV. upraised hand: holds staff 
with cross CD, extended F. hand holding book: om. book, hand upraised CD. bears: 
dogs M. bears, position: bear with four nursing cubs to side C, bear with five nursing cubs 
to side D, bear and nursing cubs (number unclear) to side F, paws touching pope PV. bear 
over crown: {om. CDF), leaping M, in motion PV. 



Vaticinium I 

Principium tnalorum. 
Ypocrisis habundabit.^ 

Genus nequam, ursa catulos pascens, et in quinque Romam sceptra 
conturbat novam, et in xxxvi annos miser ambulabit. Primus finis^ fere 

5 habentis quinque filios.'^ A figuris enim modus est. Erea autem civitas, 

barbaros item recipe. Cum autem videris ursam, matrem canum, miserabi- 
liter luge in latitudine celi'^ ut a deo consequaris auxilium.*^ Multos decipis, 
nequissima/ sub aliena pelle. Imitata^' enim es, visum fallacem converti.^ 
Intus abscondis deceptionem inimicos facientem. Sicut autem bene manens 

10 canes nutris novos ut habeas istos' sicut adiutores in medio tempestatum. 

Sed ChristusJ manifestabit cogitationes."^ 

Serpens autem omnes consumit velociter cum hiis quos lactas. Et leta- 
ris penaliter et manus expandis, quamvis pedes pervertas,' sicut abiciens te 
ipsum extra res. Sed dominus ypocrisim tuam ostendet. Quid enim mali 

15 facies, o tu habens faciem canis admixtus alieno morsui? Quomodo tu 

feres bonum? Quid mundo, qui aperis os ad pusillos? Quomodo eructabit 
verbum bonum civitati?'" 



1-2. Caption: om. FM throughout. Here as elsewhere line one gives the short form of the caption as 
it appears in AC; lines one and two together constitute the long form of the caption as it appears 
in DLNPV. Principium . . . habundabit: Ypocrisis habundabit. Incipit [literally \ T ] 
principium malorum D. 

1. Principium malorum: Incipit principium malorum NPV, Incipit liber prophetarum 
papalium L. 

2. Ypocrisis habundabit: secundum Merlinum incipit prime A, om. C, Ypocrisia habun- 
dabit LPV, add. liber primus L. 

3. Genus: Sevus {or senus) MV, [Gjenus N here as throughout, blank space left for decorated 
letter; before the space is a lower-case letter indicating letter to be supplied [E.A.R. Brownl. 
ursa: ursus M, versa N. et in quinque: om. L lacuna sufficient for nine-ten letters. 
Romam: novam C. sceptra: septris D, sceptns M, sceptn FNPV, om. L. 



150 VATICINIUM I 



4. conturbat: conturbans A, turbat M. novam: non enim M. et in: om. M. xxxvi: trigita 
sex F, 36 NP. annos: annis AMV, annus N. niiser: niisera FLMV. finis: filius FM. 
filios: oculos LMNP, om. V. 

5. enim: om. L. modus: medius F. auteni: quoque F. ci vitas? D. 

6. item: inte L, inde M, iterum N, ante V. videris: viderit NP. ursam: ursa N. matrem: 
om. N lacuna of Jive or six letters [18mm E.A.R. Brown], canum: cane C. 

6.-7. miserabiliter: om. L, literally miserabil'e M, in altitudinem miserabiliter NP. 

7. luge in latitudine celi: repeat in latitudine celi D, in altitudine celi luge L, quam capti- 
vabis celi luge M, luge in altitudinem celi FV, luge in altitudine celi NP. a: an L. deo: 
domino AMP. consequaris: consequeris V. auxilium: om. sed add. in margine M. 
Multos: multa D, cunctos M. decipis: decipies F, add. misera LPMV. 

8. nequissima: om. NM, tibi ne conmissa sint M. sub: om. M. aliena pelle: om. pelle C, 
pelle aliena D. Imitata : inmutata FM, om. L, mutata NP, imita? V. enim es: es enim 
D.enim: om. FLMV. es: om. ALNP, est V. Visum: ursum D, Rursum F, visum enim 
M. fallacem: facilem CD, falcem NP, in falcem LMV. converti: convertis N. 

9. Intus: intra CFLPV, om. N. abscondis deceptionem: deceptionem abscondis M. ab- 
scondis: a[b]scondis F. inimicos facientem: in multos facientes F, inmufc»s faciem L, 
immutas faciem inimicos facientem M, immutas faciem NP (frem' cancelled N), mutas 
faciem inimicos facientem V. Sicut: Dicis N. autem: enin FM. bene manens: bene 
manes DNP, manens bene F. 

10. canes: om. C. nutris: add. no (excised) L. istos: ipsos FL. sicut adiutores: om. CD, sicut 
adultores L. tempestatum: add. sicut adulatores D. 

11. Sed: set CF. Christus: tempus ACD, alias Christus in superscript A, Christus? V. cogi- 
tationes: add. et t'vum ? C. In C and D texts unit one ends at this point; the paragraph 
printed here occurs asjirst part of unit two. 

12. consumit: consumet ACF, consumi D. lactas: lectas M, lateris N, lactans P. Et: om. N. 
12—13. letaris: lactaris F, om. L lacuna sufficient for Jiue-six letters, letans NP. 

13. expandis: expendis C, espandis P. quamvis pedes: quamvis manus pedes que F, om. 
quamvis L, ut servos Domini M. pervertas: manuscript damaged but appears to be 
perversitas L, vertas P. 

13-14. sicut abiciens te ipsum extra res: sed autem eos abiciens turpiter M. sicut: add. autem 
V. te: et N. extra: om. N, add. alias contra exemplum N. res: eres L, rex NP. 

14. Sed: set CL. dominus: dux M. ypocrisim: intercesimum M. tuam: om. CDM, tua F. 
ostendet: literally ondet CM. 

14.-15. Quid enim mali facies, o tu . . . morsui?: om. NP. Quid: ann? F. mali facies: malum 
facies D, maliefacies V. canis: om. F. admixtus: ammistam F, amistam L, admixtam 
AM. morsui: morsu FLMV. 

15.-17. Quomodo . . . civitati? om. L. Quomodo: Quo /or Quomodo C, Quo F, Quado L, 
Quando P. 

16. feres: fers C, ferens FPV, feceris N. bonum: om. M. Quid mundo: qui mundo L, quo 
modo N. mundo: mondo V. qui: om. FNPV, ad M. aperis: quos M. os: hos, L, om. 
MNP. ad pusillos: ad pupillos D, apullos F. eructabit: literally eructab' C, eructabis 
DV, om. L. 

17. verbum: om. LM. bonum: om. CDL. 




'nmciu iiinftnitVixUTnurcr n>nir» pniMni.t^ 
^!imnic armnii^ uijiinro ihimifrptr^Hifi^? 
[rit^lifri-dilnio qin fucccc^iriurvnio fmi mf 

cvctrcAuufcnnnni iViitinmnmiWnVf^nimCf'cmit^w 

ipOnn riiiniliMcinmiii ni.nii^vnnHin ^dhi\ mtvvi 




Picture II: MS Lund. fol. 4^ 
pope standing: unius diaconi cum bitortu in capite A, on pedestal CD. hand holding staff: 
cross in hand A, add. staff with pennant to side CD, holds staff with pennant MP, holds staff 
with bird atop V. hand holding book: om. A, om. book, hand upraised CD, om. book, 
hand extended downward P, book extended towards serpent V. serpent: serpens A, snake- 
like with animal head C, snake-Uke with two paws and animal head D, snake-Uke with 
knots in middle F, snake-like, wound around tree trunk M, snake-like P, dragon V. bird: 
two corvis attacking serpent's eyes A, two birds attacking serpent's head CDF, two birds rest- 
ing atop tree, facing pope M, one bird attacking serpent's head P, om. attack, bird on oppo- 
site side atop staff, beak open, parallel to pope's head V. 



Vaticinium II 

Sanguis. 
Decime dissipabuntur in efTusione sanguinis/ 

Secundus autem filius, alia fera volans, serpens ad meridiem iunctus^ 
nigro. Et niger*^ totus privatus lumine a corvis^ manifestans tempus. In^ 
figuris litteralibus qui succedet paterno fini existens serpens miser destruc- 
tor urse. O quomodo es esca miserorum corvorum, existens enim genus 
abhominabile eorum ab oriente. Miserabiliter turbabis teipsum simul et 
civitatem tuam gemitum dabis in tempore meti/ 



1. Sanguis: om. C. 

2. Decime dissipabuntur in efFusione sanguinis: om. D. in efFusione sanguinis: om. L. After 
each caption L adds liber secundus, etc. 

3. autem: est MNPV. filius: om. but add. in margine M, finis A, add. est F. autem filius: 
filius est L. alia fera: fera aliis M. volans: vorans C. serpens: om. L. meridiem: meridia 
C, add. ut F. iunctus: victus CM, iuctus {literally iuc'tus) D, ventus F, viris L, iunctus 
or vinctus PV. 

4. nigro: magnus F. niger: literally nig' C, iungetur NP. corvis: quorvis F, actionis L. In: 
et MNPV, a F. 

5. litteralibus: licteralibus F. succedet: succedit CDL, succedunt V. miser: add. et F. 
6-7. destructor: destructio FV. 

6. urse: vite M. es: ex LMV, om. NP. esca: essca L. enim: est NP, repeats enim V. 

7. abhominabile: abominabile L. eomm: add. et C. oriente: add. .x. L, add. et M. 
turbabis: turbans C, turbberis F, turbabas M, turbareris NP. et: om. L. 

8. civitatem: cacitatem L. tuam gemitum: getium tuum C, gemitum tuum D, et lumen 
gentium F, tuarum gentium M, tuam gentium LNP, tuam gencium V. meti: men LP, 
superscript alias metus A. 




)>^»l!citnnrvmtrHUTCiinH jim? cq^t,^^ 
atia(irAf:tCi]ucdctiv:uii\vi' fiairnniltii 
udovfK \Kinmis<tl\ci)}uw innuipium \ 
hUi'iit^ inurjainiTfinnii »iuir:iacrMi|p|j 
if n u*4 inuun^ p:nnoinnmi rccHrnTcfrtnHCiH'rnoJi 
MXiHinu fiainutfic Ivm .uwi, W'rumct^ niquA (v 
ui'lnrmcoiCtAiC atnirc nuiimm nL\$vui^ qmanuwT 
tiolncviuu iXAu^ ilk am-A rcainciw ininainnni jircrt 

iteffeic iTini^imu^ iinmilium itiicliir a*iitcH6 ^li^ldl.i 

ctiiMnn^ x$-tu lute ft\Mii6.0 Jinuw ^^a^nimmi iiiUba 
id' liHT.ilnnir tx ilhm im$im \n0pt1r fp:m Ciimitm vc 




Picture III: MS Lund, fol. 6' 
pope standing: diaconus [literally ymago similis priori] cum corona sancti A, on pedestal D, 
seated MPV. bird (eagle) on head in profile: frontal CDFM, cum corona A, with nimbus 
C, cross added to side D. upraised hand: holds staff with cross AD, at waist C, on book 
F, touches head of small figure P, holds book V. hand with book: om. A, om. book, hand 
upraised CDV, om. book, points to small figure M, at waist holding cloak P. unicorn: horn 
touches pope's eye FPV, paws touch pope CFMPV. small figure: boy A, adult, same size 
as pope F, kneehng M. gestures, small figure: om. A, one hand extended CD, hands ex- 
tended to pope, one hand touching crown, the other pointing to pope's shoulder F, ex- 
tended in supphcation MP. 



Vaticinium III 

Penitencia. 
Vestigia sytnonis magi tenebit/ 

Duplum tercium. Et enim avis, eques, crucifera avis, et equus comi- 
ger,^ sicut multum velox sicut promptus et lascivus. Principium habens 

5 unitatem et finem. Unitati duplici vocationis, prime, unius, recurve figure, 

numerorum extremum sicut in tempore'^ boni anni venit dies in qua tene- 
bit medietatem crucite figure. Multum magnus quidem rex volucrum 
solus. Iste enim recipiens principium a meridie in quo explebit comuto 
diem mediante Stella poli vespere, et promptus ut multum et velox existens 

10 ad bella preparatus. O genus Bizancii habens auditus nobis inclinatos et 

ignis sine fie nis. O amice sed ultima sillaba vel lucrabitur te in locis irriguis 
propter spem cadens. In te enim principium et finis cornu est. 



1. Penitencia: Penite[n]cia C. 

2. Vestigia: om. P. magi: magy L, add. figuram P. tenebit: tenebre N, add. libe[r] tercius 
L. 

3. Duplum: dupplicium L, supplicum M, duplicatum NP, add. est P, add. autem N. 
tercium: tren N, add. elementum NP. Et enim: om. DP, est N, add. est F. avis: add. 
et N. eques: om. F. crucifera: ancifera M. avis: om. L. et: om. V. equus: eques 
AFLMN, add. et L. 

3-4. corniger: cor niger CV, cornuger D, cornipes F, cor iungetur NP. 

4. sicut[2]: sic AF. promptus: prontus FL, promtus P. lascivus: lascivius F, lascivis V. 

5. unitatem: veritatem F. finem: fiiaternitati N. unitati: unitatci uHth c excised C, add. et 
L, om. N. duplici: dupplicus A. vocationis: vaca omnis L. prime: primo L. unius: om. 
F. recurve: recreave F, recurrere L, roturne N. figure: figuras P. 

6. numerorum: nervorum DLMV. extremum: accorium L, attractorum MV. sicut in 
tempore: in tempore sicut ACDF. boni: om. L. venit: veniet F, novit P. 

6-7. tenebit: timebis D, timebit M. 

7. medietatem: medietate L, om. NP. crucite: concite F, om. L, a note M, cuncte N. 



156 VATICINIUM III 



magnus: magnum M. magnus quidem: quod [qd'] magnus V, quidem magnus FN. 
rex: rep corrected superscript rex A. 

8. eiiim: om. FMNP. recipiens principium: recipiet principium FM, principium 
recipiens P. a: in V. explebit: implebit P, explebis V. cornuto: cor nuto C. 

9. diem: die CNF. Stella: stellam NP. poli: polit L. vespere: om. F. promptus: prontus 
FL, proptus N, promtus P. et: om. F. existens: add. et ACDF. 

10. preparatus: properans L, add. lu but excised C. genus: gentis CD, gens P. Bizancii: 
Bizantii A, Bizanzii C, Bissanci D, Bis^ancii F, bigantu L, Bicancii MV, bizanciuni N, 
bisancium P. habeas: habes D, add. autem CD. nobis: vobis CFV, nb' for nobis but 
Daneu Lattanzi reads verbis P. inclinatos: inclinantes C, inquinatos P. et: om. FL. 

11. ignis: igni ALNP, lignis F. sine: fruc C. frenis: fremis C, frenis? F. sed: sic A, et M. 
ultima: ultimo V. sillaba: siba A, sill'a C, filabat NP. vel: vulnus F. lucrabitur: lucrabi- 
t[ur]? C, lucrabatur NP. in locis: inllocis F, illoti L. cadens: add. ite C. irriguis: uriguis 
L. propter: preter ACD. 

12. In te: inter A, vite N. enim: om. FLMNP. principium: principatum MNPV. cornu: 
eorum LM. 




KMu'iu* in nrtouciti ?\^'V n'f fifcjl'jnirriir.i.iiiria.*m' 

piiiit.ilitvri innrfiHf n r.nn./.i cnu niiCcv02inu ck 

ntcuniui iHhd uiorr itripu-iit^ cuwu [Kma\nmn nr 

tncianviu fltvu'iif m iiutovbmir du an.iniiii^ hj 

nnicip.in} mniiMM ma* cniiii utv lucipir cpllif,!'!!' 

i^ifun ifir a'rciit^ fie oi ruf6m\ KUvm^ rtmn(MiH [(ii^ 

lean- iiifilniiii friuhi.! ijninnuuL^UBr r"" " 1 




Picture IV: MS Lund, fol. 6^ 
om. description A. CD combines images four and five, middle vessel-like column: om. 
CD. tonsured head emerging from vessel: head on serrated sickle CD, no tonsure, head 
surrounded by rays C, tonsure unclear D. flying fish attacking crowned head: om. CD, 
om., handle-like extension curving over vessel F, om., hand holds scimitar over tonsured 
head M. column with crowned head atop: om. CDF, two crowned heads within roun- 
dels to side CD, head of pope wearing mitre atop column M. column with hand hold- 
ing/touching fish: om. CDF, hand holds scimitar M. 



Vaticinium IV 

Confusio. 
Error concitabitur.^ 

Iste coUateralis^ quartus ab ursa currens gladiis et homo movens inci- 
sionem rose tamen siccabitur sicut rosa. Incidens rosam annis motus tribus 
et enim tercia littera et tercium elementum significat manus et fabc ilia 
prima littera incidet rosam la. M.*^ Miserum elementum illud videt, reci- 
piens enim principium ut inciderem florem. Non miserebitur tui quamvis 
in principatu maneas. Vide enim iste incipit colligere rosam autem ferens 
in omnibus habens finem in quo letare multum frustra. 



2. Error: amor V. concitabitur: add. liber quartus L. 

3. collateralis: collis ACDL, collus MNPV. currens: carens FM, cusseris P. gladiis: gladius 
CD. movens: manens D, monens M, moriens N, add. in CDN. 

3—4. incisionem: incisione CV. 

4. tamen: dum D. siccabitur: secabuntur F, insiccabitur N. sicut: sic F, om. L, satis P. 
rosa: om. F, rosarus N. Incidens: inci[d]ens C. rosam: rosarii F. motus: motis F. et: ut P. 

5. enim: om. N, est V. tercia littera: lictera tercia F. tercium: tercius F, iterum L. signi- 
ficat: signat N. 

5-6. elementum . . . elementum: eyeskip om. F. A follows thejirst elementum with illud videt 
recipiens enim principium, then excises these words, correcting the eyeskip from elementum 
to elementum. 

5. manus: magnus L. falx ilia: falxs ilia A, falcilla C, falx in ilia D, falxilla M, fascilla P, 
fals ilia NV. 

6. littera: litera CDLPV. incidet: incident M, incidunt LNP. rosam: rose P. la. M.: la. 
M? Mt. C, add. im? D, la. et m [or in] L, lati Mat. M, l.a.m. NP, la. ma. V. Miserum: 
Secundum CD, miserorum L, misera N. illud: om. DM. videt: invidet D. 

6-7. recipiens: insipiens V. 

7. enim: om. M. inciderem: incidentem AF, viderem or inderem for inciderem D, 
inciderct N. miserebitur: miserebit M. 

8. maneas: manans P. Vide : Unde F. iste: add. enim A. incipit: incipict e excised M. 
autem ferens: anteferens FM, auferens N, autem feras P. 

9. habens finem: habens fiirem A, finem habens M. letare: letorum P. frustra: fiusta L. 




lev irrniiii .Uu'ihuii cnariint^ hhimiiu fjiiV 

-lurcru ^uiplicanim \mnnm cicnicimiuKr*! 
inC] Ctinnntv amniumn Biiad't q\ii\mox 
nuMifninf \xllm iniuapAViw :mn ouuh*^ ipuini a>n 




Picture V: MS Lunel, fol. 8' 
sickle-bearer: juvenis A, wears simple, long, belted robe, no tonsure evident, barefoot C, 
wears simple, short, belted robe, no tonsure evident, barefoot D, wears simple robe and 
vestment, tonsured, barefoot F, robed tonsured monk with cowl, in profile M, tonsured 
monk P, wears simple robe and vestment, tonsured V. maniple: orn. CDFMPV. rose in 
left hand: om. CD, branch with five flowers F. angel, hands touching rose: om. A, angel 
in figure's left hand CD, angel kneeling D, angel at pope's shoulder, hands extended F, bust 
of angel in corner M. [add. shackles to pope's right and leg? to pope's left P, signs of scraping 
and perhaps overpainting] . 



Vaticinium V 



Elatio.' 



Paupertas, obediencia, castitas, tetnperacio. 
Castrimargie et ypocrisarum destructor.^ 

Vide iterum alienum existentis modum. Falcem magnam et rosam 
quam fert tercium autem duplicatum primum elementum divisa sunt. Item 
coniuncta falcifer quattuor mensium te scribo. Principatus autem omnes 
quos consumpsisti gladio, templa ydolorum post paululum resuscitabis.'^^ 
Tres autem tres annos in mundo vivens senex, vade in infemum duabus 
tribulationibus in medio. 



paupertas: paupertatis D. obediencia: obediencie D. castitas: castitatis DL. teniperacio: 

teniptator NP, teniperator V. 

castrimargie: gule DL, castrimagie N, castrinieregie P. et: om. DL. ypocrisarum: ypo- 

critarum DL, ypocrisorum NP, ypocrisar V. destructor: destructo D, destructio LV, 

add. liber quintus L. In C and D, texts four and five are run together, separated only by 

caption for text number five, for C the short form (line one), for D the long form {Unes two and 

three of caption). 

Vide: om. C. iterum: unum N. existentis modum: modum existentis F. existentis: 

existen V. Falcem: om. N. magnam: om. CN. rosam: rosa add. manu que est manna 

vel hec interpretatur idest quid est hec erit miraculum magnum F. 

quam: que? C, quid D. fert: defert L. autem: om. P. duplicatum: om. P. primum: om. 

P. divisa: add. autem CD, diversa N. Item: non D, in te L. 

coniuncta: coniuntam L. falcifer: falsifer A, falciferum CP, falcifere N. quattuor: 

quatuor LN. mensmm: mencium V. te: om. L. scribo: reseri L, scuto N, add. in M. 

principatus: principaturus C, principatur N. autem: ante LM, in N. omnes: omnis F. 

quos: qui A, om. CD, quam L, quern FMV. consumpsisti: consumsisti L. Post: prefer 

L. paululum: paulum P. resuscitabis: resuscitabo CLMNV. 

Tres autem tres annos: tres tres annos F, tres autem annos MPV, autem/o//ot*vr/ by os 

excised and lacuna of two spaces M. mundo: meto L, modo N, mondo P. vivens: vives 

FL. senex: senes AF. vade: valde AF, vadit L. medio: media A. 



p', 



liA MviA iiCiii'i^'i pjfcciu' cmiliU' iniH 
inw ilLi jncnT qn.nii ni iniiln J tin Tcnp 
vA rcnuinrmiHiininnit^ jIunniLi tu i 
idntnj CHiiii fcribinu* nltinu* ^^HlMfir 
uircui tm-Aij qiicumnuw wum^vtbmr v^imfiO 

I 



lAVC 




Picture VII: MS Lunel, fol. 10^ 
pope standing: king A, figure weanng crown CD, on mound D. gesture left hand: om. 
A, not clearly pointing to aninial C, index finger not shown F. gesture right hand: om. A, 
upraised DFPV, upraised, apparendy holding cloak C, ami extended, finger pointing over 
head of animal M. bear with two nursing cubs: bear with four cubs A, bear with five 
nursing cubs CD, bear with one nursing cub F, bear with two cubs, one nursing P. 



Vaticinium VII 

Occasio. 
Filii balax sectabuntur.^ 

Alia ursa secunda pascens catulos. Et in omnibus ilia preterquam in 
umbra tantum scripta. Natura temporum nativitas abortiva. In ultima enim 
scribitur ultime subsolares, autem utrasque coronis^ manifestant divisionem 
totius potencie. 



1. Occisio: Ocasio L, Occasio N. 

2. balax: balaac D, om. L, balas N, balahe possibly balalx V. sectabuntur: sectabunt D, 
seccabitur L, seccabuntur N, letabuntur P, add. liber septinius L. L repeats variant of 
caption within frame of picture: occisio filii balas sociabuntur. 

3. secunda: om. V. et: om. L, se V. in: om. N. 

4. ilia: illam F. tantum scripta: transcripta D. natura: patria F, om. L. temporum: templo- 
rum F. 

5. enim: vero NP. scribitur: scribuntur F, scnbit V. ultime: ulitime P. 

6. subsolares: subssulares L. autem: et C. ante F, et ante M, aut V. utrasque: utrumque 
NP. coronas: coronis AFNP. manifestant: manifestat F, manifestent P. divisionem: di- 
visiones LMNP. 

7. totius: rotus L. potencie: penitencie AFNP. 




ll.l II r-- ! iiiuuDJ |\ 1 1 ecu 4' •>- 5i«u»-v' i?i%'i 

itHt'. liLi picaT qu^mi ?n iiuitn J nu tcnp 
ni rcojpimi! Hiiniiinit^ .il'ouiiu tu \ 
tilmiLx cnmi knhiuiv nlniiic $nbifn 

' rmmmmmmmmmimr 




Picture VII: MS Lund, fol. 10^ 
pope standing: king A, figure wearing crown CD, on mound D. gesture left hand: om. 
A, not clearly pointing to aninial C, index finger not shown F. gesture right hand: om. A, 
upraised DFPV, upraised, apparendy holding cloak C, ami extended, finger pointing over 
head of animal M. bear with two nursing cubs: bear with four cubs A, bear with five 
nursing cubs CD, bear with one nursing cub F, bear with two cubs, one nursing P. 



Vaticinium VII 

Occasio. 
Filii balax sectabuntur." 

Alia ursa secunda pascens catulos. Et in omnibus ilia preterquam in 
umbra tantum scripta. Natura temporum nativitas abortiva. In ultima enim 
scribitur ultime subsolares, autem utrasque coronis'' manifestant divisionem 
totius potencie. 



1. Occisio: Ocasio L, Occasio N. 

2. balax: balaac D, om. L, balas N, balahe possibly balalx V. sectabuntur: sectabunt D, 
seccabitur L, seccabuntur N, letabuntur P, add. liber septimus L. L rq)cats variant of 
caption within frame of picture: occisio filii balas sociabuntur. 

3. secunda: om. V. et: om. L, se V. in: om. N. 

4. ilia: illam F. tantum scripta: transcripta D. natura: patria F, om. L. temporum: templo- 
runi F. 

5. enim: vero NP. scribitur: scribuntur F, scribit V. ultime: ulitime P. 

6. subsolares: subssulares L. autem: et C. ante F, et ante M, aut V. utrasque: utrumque 
NP. coronas: coronis AFNP. manifestant: manifestat F, manifestent P. divisionem: di- 
visiones LMNP. 

7. totius: rotus L. potencie: penitencie AFNP. 




|li^ ut Jiparc-ir laiHCii uict? {ciicinr arcAimutu 
ine cCiTntiuict crttirmniiigmniiiH MumriiHi 

lUH.itniiir mcruHl illirif* ntnr trCa a AC ^n^taxutcthM 

cvttixm i'tnnnwmntnhmt itiiilnniMtii'iii Ci\Tn$ili'lo\0 
dc^mdumii C^tt<pmn iiitiiuTjnnu croHNict? mplmtiiB 




Picture VIII: MS Lund, fol. 10^ 
fortification (fortified town) with gates closed: una duitas A, stylized building CD, three 
towers, but central tall tower, and with ecclesiastical overtones C, three towers of equal 
height D, add. below, head (as in vessel) with rays directed toward building CD, add. 
roughly drawn head with rays directed toward fortification superimposed on fortification at 
bottom of image F, add. pennant on central tower P, represented by three crenelated arches 
V. soldiers: om. ACDM, figures dropping stones from tower F, two soldiers with helmets, 
shields in first arch, two soldiers with helmets (visors up), shields, one soldier gesturing in 
second arch, a single larger soldier with visor covering his face and carrying shield in the 
third arch V. 



Vaticinium VIII 

Sanguis. 
Cenobia ad locum pristinum redibunt.^ 

Heu, heu, misera sustinens passiones civitas miserabile ut appareat 
lumen. Mox tenebit circa parvum tempus.*^ Cedes enim in te efFusio san- 

5 guinum. Undenarii incipientes non deficient. Et quinque principatus a 

monarchia tua draconem confringent que occidit libin. Frustratim lania- 
bunt membra illius. Non cessa et ad pugnam intestina excitata. Et innume- 
rabilem multitudinem cedent gladio ad miliaria sex septem numerata. Et 
omnis implicitus fomicatione et cede. Maculatus adulter, raptor, iniustus 

10 sodomita videbunt ultimum lumen ante oculos.*^ 



1. Sanguis: Potestas V. 

2. locum: loca? D. pristinum: pristima? D. redibunt: add. liber octavus L, L duplicates 
caption within picture. 

3. heu: om. LMNPV. misera: miserima CD. sustinens: sustine M, add. dolores et F. ci- 
vitas: civitatis M. miserabile: om. F, add. enim miserabile CD, miserabilis L. ut: om. N. 

4. lumen: om. C. Mox: mos FL. add. te NP. tenebit: tenebre M. circa: arcana F. tempus: 
tempore L. Cedes: cedens FMV, cedit N. enim: om. LNP. in te: add. et ACDF. 

5. Undenarii: an dinarium F, ut denarii M. incipientes: insipientis C, incipientis DL, add. 
et LM. deficient: deficientes A, deficiet CF. Et: in F. monarchia: menarchia D. 

6. draconem: dragonem L, drachonem V. confiingent: constringent F. que: qui D. 
occidit: cotidie N. libin: ibi libin [ibi extends into margin] M, Ubra N. Frustratim: 
fioistatim LP. 

7. membra: menbra DF. iUius: om. NF. cessa: occisa N. excitata: exitata L. et: om. 
ACDF. 

7-8. innumerabilem: innaturabilem V. 

8. cedent: cedens LMNPV. ad miliaria: amililiaria F, ad miUciem N, ad miUciam P, ad 
oriliariam ? V. numerata: numeratas: F, numeratum L, vulnerata N. 

9. omnis: omnes L, om. M, homo V. implicitus: multiplicabitur F, implicit V. fornica- 
tione: fornicationi F, fornicationum N. cede: cedet F. adulter: add. id est N, add. est 
P. raptor: add. et F, id est raptor NP, om. M. iniustus: om. L. 

10. sodomita: sogdomoda L. videbunt: videbit F. 







K 




[tv(H'riiiiit^ ticiivmulnnn C^*my ctommhtluu^ 
„ |r.nifiitii iicnicfiti flirt ^uplicrrvr itoliicrinK*^ 

Kuciminofi* iTln.iaruiri nifiiicrcpm idrcpich ''""■"— 




Picture IX: MS Lund, fol. IZ 
no further evidence from A. pope standing: on pedestal D. left hand: holds scroll C, 
holds large seal? D, holds book? F, hand extended downward M. right hand: holds staff 
with cross CD, holds large key F, upraised and pointed to self M, upraised P. animal (fox): 
dog-like CD, upright F, leaping dog M, holds staff with cross in mouth P, donkey, one leg 
uplifted V. three standards: with unmarked pennants only CM, two with unmarked 
pennants only, one with spear top D, single pennant with cross on it, held by animal, add. 
large key atop animal's head F, two with unmarked pennants only, one staff with cross, add. 
small blue shield to right (decorated with horizontal wavy Une and pattern of white dots) P, 
two topped with fleurs de lis, one with cross, no pennants V. add. two hands at pope's right, 
palms extended towards animal C, add. two hands at pope's left, palms extended towards 
inner margin D. 



Vaticinium IX 

Bona gratia. 
Sytnonia cessabit/ 

Vulpinam figurasti amicitiam pacienter, sensum refrenans, sicut multum 
senex et canus habens sensum. Veniens autem dupliciter voluptiones sep- 
ties, voluntas, condimisisti confringendas ad invicem et efFusiones vali san- 
guinum efFundendas. Tu pro victoria expandisti manus bene gratiose et 
bravium accepisti in fine sceptri. 



1. Bona gratia: Ocasio L, Occisio NP. 

2. cessabit: add. liber nonus L, Occasio symonia cessbit mthin picture L and on staff 
vulpinam {in smaller letters) aniicitiam simulastis? L. 

3. Vulpinam: Unde hominem C, Vulpum F, Vupinam V. figurasti: signasti F. amicitiam: 
add superscript A and amicitiam completed in text in second hand L. pacienter: patienter 
FNP, add. et CD. sensum: sensu FMNPV. refrenans: refrenam V. sicut: add. sicut P. 

4. senex: senes MN. et: ac V. canus: canum F, carius L, cans s partially erased folloiwd by 
lacuna M. sensum: sensu F. autem: om. F, in te L. dupliciter: literally dup'lcr D, 
dupliciterater F. voluptiones: volupciones CV, volutiones F, voluciones LM, add. in 
te M, voluptaciones N. 

5. voluntas: voluptas DV. condimisisti: condimisti CP, a ? diniisti D, condimnisti N, 
cum dimisisti V. confiingendas: om. LMV, confrigendos F, confiingendos N, confiin- 
gendo P. ad invicem: ad plus lacuna (sufficient for six letters) L, aliud in vicem V. vali: 
vili? C, valli FV, li L, om. N, validas P. 

5-6. sanguinum: sanguinem N. 

6. efFundendas: effundas L, efFudendas M. Tu: add. propter LMPN. pro: om. L. Victoria: 
victoriam L. expandisti: expendisti L. bene: add. et F, hue N. gratiose: glohose F, 
graciose L, om. NP. et: om. F. 

7. accepisti in fine sceptn: in fine sceptn accepisti L. sceptn: ccptri D. 




jruMiininii iiiiiMbciniii qinMKTrurirT^tirno^' 

eAk\m^ i\m cir fttlv rrFnnic»iiiiB i]uc m .T». lu 0X auurV' 

fkmv^ rn\trhiuncrmn ncprilnui nue ft4r 0||nt>l»i!nn niiur 




Picture X: MS Lunel, fol. 12^ 
fortified to^vn: [considerable variety in details of town among FMPV], empty throne CD. 
disembodied hands: single hand below throne CD, three single hands emerging from 
shield F, three single hands M, two single hands V. hand emerging from tower: om. 
CDFM, single hand behind tower P, single hand above tower V. 



Vaticinium X 

Potestas. 
Unitas erit.^ 

Ve tibi civitas septicollis. Quin^ K littera'^ laudabitur in menibus'* tuis. 
Tunc appropinquabit casus et destructio tuorum potentium et iudicancium 
iniusticiam. Qui habet digitos suos falcatos. Qui est fabc desertitudinis, et 
in altissimo blasphemabit. Qui incipit [V. R. r. n"" m. v].^ Ysachios sinco- 
pam cedis sanguinis, lohannes bona gratia, Constantinus pauperis. Vide 
autem tu qui sancta consideras et sancta ferens super humerum ne pulvis 
tuus fiat obprobrium. In barba profunda iuste incidet/ Et maxime vitupe- 
raberis ipse consiliarius mortis, pontifex cuius nomen I'o.^ 



1. Potestas: Rena gratia N, Bona gratia LP. 

2. Unitas: Veritas DL. erit: add. alias laudabitur D, add. liber decimus L, caption within 
picture Bona gracia L. 

3. septicollis: septicolliis L. Quin: quo F, quando L add. licet L, om. sed add. quando 
[qua] in margine M, q'n^r quando N. K: om. LM, R FNV. littera: lictera F. laudabi- 
tur: om. CD, laudabiliter NPV. menibus: manibus CD, menibibus L. tuis: tuus C. 

4. casus: casu F. potentium: potentum F. 

5. iniusticiam: iniusticia C, iusticiam MNPV. habet: habent FNPV. falcatos: falcantes 
CD. fiJx: C ? very faint, fals MV, lalx N, falax P. desertitudinis: lacuna add. in margine 
M. et: om. L. 

6. in: om. L. altissimo: altissimam C, om. L. blasphemabit: blasfemabit F, om. L, blasphe- 
mabitur N. qui: que FLMNV. incipit (MHF): fjfl /or incipit D, om. C, idcst F, in. 
L, incepit M, in. N, in P, i V. [V.R. r. n" m. v.]: not in Leo Oracles, Lambecius version, 
V. K. tt. E. . s.tt. C, vi K cci. G. jjj D, cb.? R.G. cix. idest cb? F, V. K. q 
cum V. L, lacuna, om. abbreviations M, .V. R. r. n"*. m or in. v. N, io. K. t. en", m. cv. 
P, vo. K. ti. cum in. M. V. Ysachios: yaachios CD, ysathyos add. idest seperans in 
deum F, lacuna fluctuos add. in margine M. 

6-7. sincopam: cincopam CD, syncopam F, sinconpera L. sanguinis: sanguis LMN. 
lohannes: add. idest F. pauperis: papis. L. Vide: unde L. 



172 VATICINIUM X 



8. qui: om. F. consideras: om. sed add. in marline M. et sancta: om. sed add. (with some 
erasure) in marj^ine M. ferens: fers FN. 

9. tuus: tuis CL. obprobrium: obpropriuni F, opprobrium LP. In barba: et bawram ? C, 
ut barobam D, et barba F. incidet: incides FV. Et: om. L. niaxime: maxiiho D. 

9-10. vituperaberis: vituperabilis CDN, Daneu Lattanzi reads nituperaberis P. 

10. ipse: om. CM, item LPV, vel N. consiliarius: conscilirius P. mortis: montis V. ipse 
. . . nomen: om. hut quem consiliarius mortis pontifex cuius nomen add. in lower margin 
M. pontifex: pontifes L. cuius nomen: om. F. nomen: add. Imen. M. To /or Johannes: 
To cc ? C, I'o obi D, io. ob'\ I. p. M.l.ii.I. F, lo ob. I. P. M. I.I.I. L, io. ob"\ lrl?.l. 
M. N. n. i.i. M, Jor'. cibus. y.p. M.L. n. J. N, lor. ob*". I. p. m. I. n. 1. P, ior. ob'. ? 
. ii.p.M.l.ii.i. add. usque ad vesperam mane. Dies duo milia. CCC. et minabitur 
sacrificium {cf. Dan. 8:14) V. 




'^Xc 



-J, 



■ r.-*- 



JlnidT iiiainiclMiinvmuM i>i nciur IH 

Liliciu' lumii) itltiHiueii^ ctnicmm A^xittm 
\cvimic mccnam ctivcindnmmm ivu$^xpm$ 
tvma NtVipiXm oumcbzmnmimiqnwme ctmihhmmm 
i\wmw imnn ildUi ^mvnrlnr iii^vi mwiw^mn luice m 




Picture XI: MS Lunel, fol. 14' 
half-naked figure seated on stones (or rock): figure on sarcophagus CD, fijlly naked 
emerging firom cave F, on green mound M. tonsure: om. CDFMP. beard: om. MPV. legs: 
one as in motion F, crossed at knees M. gestures: one hand to head, the other extended 
downward on knee CD, arms awkwardly twisted, one hand extended as in blessing F, one 
hand to head, the other extended down M, hands upraised as in astonishment P, one hand 
upraised, the other extended V. second figure: in simple robe, hands crossed over chest 
CDP, standing on sarcophagus C, to one side of sarcophagus D, arms extended, gesturing 
towards figure emerging fix)m cave F, small standing figure in robe, hands extended 
downward M, gesturing as in conversation V. add. to immediate right of half-naked figure, 
a rectangle, twice as long as it is wide, with a double-barred cross inside, six-pointed star 
above C, add. rectangle closer to square wdth double-barred cross inside, "star" with wavy 
amis D, add. six-pointed star above second figure and on same hne as words papa nudus F. 



Vaticinium XI 

Bona honoracio. 
Thesaurus pauperibus erogabitur.^ 

Et revelabitur virtus^ qui habet prenomen menachim.'^ Petram habitas. 
Eya, veni, mihi aliene luctus.'^ Relinqueris et victum agrestem. Et vive 
mortuus,^ et gemebundus. Congregans bona dissipans ommne, bravium 
iniquitatis iniustificatum. Quando maior Stella apparebit nigra tibi. Nudus 
item^ vade in inferiora terre.^ 



1. Bona: bonus V. honeracio: oraco orMaco N, oratio LPV. 

2. Thesaurus: thesaurum LNP, add. constantus D, Constantini L. erogabitur: erogabat N, 
erogabit LP, add. liber undecimus L, add. caption in picture Bona oratio thesaurus 
pauperibus erogabitur L. 

3. Et: E [sic] Et F, om. N. revelabitur: elevabitur F. virtus: unctus C, untus F, unitus {for 
unitas) P, vinctus or iunctus NV. qui habet: qualiter M, qui habent V. prenomen: om. 
lacuna of seven letters L, pronomen N. menachim: monachim DL, menarchim F, me 
followed by lacuna menachim ? add. in margine M. habitas: om. L, habitans FMNPV. 

4. Eya: or Exa N. veni: venit FLMNP. mihi: michi FMN, mihi ? V. luctus: add. aliene 
but excised C. Relinqueris: reUnquens FLN. victum: vinctum F, luncum N, unicum 
P. agrestem: agustem V. vive: vue CNP, ne F. 

5. mortuus: incentiuus FMNP, incencius L, incentuus V. et gemebundus: om. CD, add. 
g., g excised P. congregans: congregatus D. omne: omncn DF. 

6. iniquitatis: add. Qui totus F, add. et L. iniustificatum: iustificatus F, iustificatum L, in 
lustificatum N. Quando: quam M. maior Stella: stella maior F. tibi: om. FLMNPV 
apparebit: add. tibi CD. nudus: Nudus ? D. 

7. item: idest M. vade: vadet F. terre: add. papa nudus below in same hand F. inferiora: 
iniferiora L. 




n aiMimit^ iiiiani' uhiui iiiaMt ficnr nlncbic 

puw ii: mnbiltt^ a'r cfiiiriiibir iiuinnri* irc crurj (cltrunu 
CI I .iraTrmircHi Vcpn ninanciim^ rnnnii hibtm 

mcnt ^imcmummm RTtc unhim un*fi?iiinm iTiiu»'' 
Diliiiui iiiiiiifrrcnnii inm* ilrr iiu'tint^ .imrrtrrinmiu Ji- 




Picture XII: MS Lunel, fol. 14^ 
seated pope holding papal tiara over four rabbits: otn. CDFMP, angel atop aaaorsed 
aniniak holds papal tiara in one hand, scroll in the other C, angel with nimbus seated on 
cloud above addorsed animals holds papal tiara in one hand, other hand extended down, 
add. eagle in flight above tiara D, angel with nimbus standing above two long arcs ending 
in animal heads holds papal tiara in one hand, the other broadly extended as in blessing F, 
figure with nimbus holds mitre over two dogs, other hand holds book M, figure with nim- 
bus holds papal tiara over two bears, the other hand to body P. rabbits: addorsed bears, two 
dogs below CD, arcs ending in animal heads, mouths emitting rays, add. sarcophagus below 
arcs F, four dogs M, four bears P. 



Vaticinium XII 

Bona intencio. 
Caritas habundabit/ 

Mortuus nunc. Et oblitus aspectus. Noverunt multi, quamvis nullus 
istum videat. Sicut ab ebrietate manifestatus, ex insperato sceptra tenebit 
istius imperii. Stilus enim manifestus in celo connectus preco invisibilis ter 
clamabit maxime: Ite cum festinancia ad occidentem septicollis. Invenietis 
virum, habitatorem, amicum meum. Ferte istum in regias domos, calvum, 
mansuetum, mitem, alte mentis, acutissimum ad videndum futurum pre- 
cipue. Item habebit septicollis imperium. 



1. Bona intencio: om. C. intencio: intento P. 

2. habundabit: add. liber duodecinius L, repeats caption in picture Bona intentio karitas 
habundabit L. 

3. Mortuus: add. et F. nunc: nunc? V. Et: om. F. aspectus: add. eius F, aspectibus LMV, 
asptus P. Noverunt: venerunt D, novetur V. quamvis: quantus N. 

4. istum: istorum PV. ab ebrietate: adebrate F, abrebietate L, ebrietate add. et M, ab 
ebritate P. manifestatus: manistatus F. ex: ab D. ex insperato: ex insperacio F, 
ex[a]sperato L, ex inspirato N. sceptra: septra L. tenebit: om. M. 

5. istius: isti CN, istus L. imperii: in merii L, impii N. enim: om. F, enimque P. mani- 
festus: manifestatus FV. connectus: congnectus F, connoctus N, convectus P, conectus 
LV. invisibilis: invisibiliter F. ter: om. FV, terre NP. 

6. clamabit: declamabit V. maxime: om. M. maxime Ite: ite maxime V. festinancia: 
festinacione C. septicollis: add. et F, septi lacuna of five-six letters L add. superscript A in 
second hand. Invenietis: invenientis L. 

7. habitatorem: habitantem V. Ferte: fere N, forte V. istum: uste M, iustum LPNV. 
regias: regnans L. calvum: talium? DL. 

8. mitem: mite L, mittem NP. mentis: mentis N. futurum: fiturum C, acutum D, fiitu- 
rarum F, om. lacuna of six-seven letters L. 

8-9. precipue: add. et CDF. 

9. Item: idem DM, in te F. habebit: habebis F. septicollis: septicoliis L. add. Papa cum 
ovibus ante et cum metria in manu in same hand F. 




.'rii' 






r 'v 



rtnu 



fvmini 



rriiirttt inwn^ iiuimTi Jiiru^o \n\n\% it> 

cipfr nitnm iniup^ kamvc Hire »ern, 
ii»lic»uti rn||»iu-,mi:iHH auhnmn inrtvir iirtnnfir 




Picture XIII: MS Lunel, fol. 17' 
standing pope: on low green mound D, kneeling F, seated V. left hand holding book: 
om. book CDFP, hand upraised CD, hands in prayer F, hands in orans gesture P. right hand 
gesture: holds staff surmounted by cross CD, hand upraised as in blessing M. angel 
crowning pope: holds staff with /7f Mr de Us atop in left hand CD, other hand on pope's 
upper arm MV, one hand holds cloak P. 



Vaticinium XIII 

Prehonoracio. 
Concordia erit/ 

Ecce item homo de primo genere abscondito, intrantes simul numeri 
annos. Nudus venit de petra tenebrosa et secundam splendentem incipit 
vitam. Ymago secunde vite verissima, tantum solide solidus duplicatonim 
annorum, intrabit^ mortuus petram.*^ 



2. erit: add. liber tresdicinius L, duplication of caption in picture L. 

3. item: iste D, idem LMV. simul: similis DM, singuli F. numeri: numeros F. 

4. de: om. sed add. in marline M. petra: add. te M. incipit: incepit V. vitam: vita F. 

5. Ymago: inmago F. secunde: sedere F, sancte N. vite: vita M. tantum: tantu F. solide 
solidus: soli desolidus F, solidius N. 

6. annorum: amorum L. intrabit: introit FLMPV, intrent N. petram: add. papa coronatus 
ab angelo in same hand F. 




\fu\vr uhmi irccimh Cohini t\thu$ ^umnw ^"^^^ 

txrAMiuo fci]ucn* riivjiiimn ac' piorcitrcni i^Hinuim Iv 
Hi* |i»iuh Mviru! pniicipio hnio fine ci'iiplc luuiuuctfA 
cn\AttirAiu ct hAlnvAwncm :UubiilA aieilv cnini nr rv 




Picture XIV: MS Lunel, fol. 17" 
seated pope: kneeling F, standing, face erased P. holding book, one hand below, one 
above: one hand upraised CMP, om. book, hands in prayer F. angels standing on dais: 
to each side CDF, standing above heads of two animals (addorsed, behind pope) P. angels 
touching pope: crowning pope FV, angel holds cross over shoulder F, with both hands V, 
angels holding arras behind pope CD, angels gesturing toward pope, arras behind M. 



Vaticinium XIV 

Bona occasio. 
Vendencium sacra cessabunt.^ 

Recipe donum. Ne pigriteris, senex, sed recipiens potentissime, pensa 
de fine. Et ad bonum dirige sceptrigeriam alia quidem non metuens 

5 tempus. Et enim de super istum recepisti. Solum tribus auroris circumdati 

anni, uno denario stelle complete, bene fini sacratum.^ Quid admiraris 
annunciacionem recipis? Reliquisti placite planta*^^ habitacionem. Sequere 
vocantem ad presentem gloriam. Bene finisti diem in principiis. Bono fine 
comple universam creaturam. Et habitaciones ambula celestes. In te enim 

10 principium bonorum et finis. 



1. Bona occasio: Occasio bona LNP. 

2. Vendencium: v[e]ndencium L, venienciuni V. sacra: sacro L. cessabunt: cessabit DL, 
add. liber xiiii L. 

3. Ne: om. N. pigriteris: add. ut in superscript F, om. N. senex: senes FL, add. vendencium 
but crossed out N. sed: set CFLP, se M. potentissime: potissime F, potentissima N. 

4. fine: sine N. bonum: om. L. dirige: dinge L. sceptrigeriam: septrigeram D, sed trigena 
F, septrigenam L, septuariam P. septrigeria? V. alia quidem: aliquidem M. 

5. tempus: tempore DMN. istum: add. but excises de super C. recepisti: accepisti P. cir- 
cumdati: circondati N. 

6. anni: om. L, a M. uno denario: undenarii F, animo L, minimo denano M. complete: 
complere D, oblete L. bene: bone C. fini: fluisti M, smi N. 

6-7. sacratum . . . annunciacionem: sacr lacuna ciacionem corrected in maij^in to sacratem quid 
admiraris annunciacionen M. sacratum: sacratu P, sacuratam V. Quid: quod F, quam 
L, pro N. ammirans F admiraris: admiratis N, amiraris LP, aminis V. annunciacionem: 
adnunciacionem D, ammirationem F, annunciatione L, annunciationem P. 

7. recipis: add. recipis N. placite: placuere D, placide FN, placita L. planta: om. L, plenta 
V. habitacionem: alucratione F, alterationis L, altercationis MV, alteracionem NP. 
Sequere: sequeretur V. 



182 VATICINIUM XIV 



8. vocantem: vocacio N. Bene: unde C. diem: dixit LPNV. principiis: principis C, 
principio L. Bono: bona DF, bone V. fine: fine ? C, fide D. 

9. coniple: conple L. universani: inuniversa L, universa MPV, nunieruni N. creaturam: 
sacratum N. habitaciones: habitationem L. celestes: celeste LMNPV. In te enim: enim 
in te LMNV, enim iure P. 

10. finis: add. somewhat apart from text papa cum duobus angelis in slightly smaller but same 
hand F. 







Crnii> Jifoitv t-tiivi 




4 



Picture XV: MS Lunel, fol. 19^ 
pope standing holding tiara: on pedestal D, seated V, add. weanng niitre CDM, add. 
wearing tiara F, add. nimbus M. book in left hand: holds tnple-barred cross F, holds book 
aloft M. add. beast with human face, headdress of horns or spikey feathers F. 



Vaticinium XV 

Reverencia. 
Devocio augmentabitur. 

Bonam vitam invenisti ab ingloriacione. A virtute autem accepisti plus- 
quam a fortuna, sed nequaquam virtuose lucraberis gratiam. Invidia enim 
contingens iudicia tibi nocenciam. Non privaberis a sorde de super. 



2. augmentabitur: au[g]ni[en]tabitur L add. liber xi, caption within picture Reverencie 
devotio augmentabitur L, augumentabitur V. 

3. Bonam vitam: lonam vita M, Bona vita PV. ingloriacione: ingeneratione F, gloria- 
tione L, ingeneracione M. virtute: viventute V. autem: om. L. 

4. a: om. F. fortuna: fortunam F. sed: set L. nequaquam virtuose: necquam virtuose C, 
om. lacuna sed add. in [left] margine nequam virtuosam ? M. virtose: virtuosam F. 
lucraberis gratiam: om. lacuna sed add. in [right] marline M. lucraberis: lucraboris N, 
luctaberis V. gratiam: gloriam L. Invidia: invidiam L, om. lacuna sed add. in [right] 
margine in ligna M. enim: om. sed add. in [right] margine M. 

4—5. enim contingens iudicia: om. V. contingens: contingnens F. iudicia: ludica C, iudicabit 
D. 

5. nocenciam: nocentiam FLP, innocentia N. non: non? C, ire? M, ut LPNV. sorde: 
sorte FL. de: om. L. super: add. deo gratias amen F, add. in same hand paragraph sign 
papa cum libro in manu et cum metria F, add. Ve civitas sanguinum universa men- 
dacii dilaceratione plena non recedet a te rapina vox flagelli et vox impetus rote, et 
equi frementis (Nah. 3:1-2) PV, P apparently in second hand, V in same hand as text. 
Add. below image in red Explicit liber ymaginum papalium L. NP add. as sixteenth text 
verse from Dan. 4:^3 with caption Corona superbie, N on same page as text fifteen, P on 
following page: Cor eius ab humano commutetur, et cor fere detur ci et septem tem- 

pora mutentur super eum. 



itiwnmcm tiitiuiifiu^ttiMnc tnatwu ^ntAuCmhij 
MiCi nc animm cm lumicii xrcalux an avir cti\stxof 
cit-Unniw uumuwe citi^ rcplett actcaiiiM4 ma\naw 
iti iici*i!\* \Monn ct piiv ir0cnr AmpUtw ixrcuuU^ Qe- 
Ui^ fiJ5ic{ir|vr^Micrr4 moiiAinmv iiiMC iltUci crnk 

^niHitaad fillip Iconcci? cni>n4to ct r^ra^nc itutav iT4| 
nUnrc0ra?iira crciiirnicrpiic n',nieiir ftiiii>.iVe| 

iv aMiHio^ tfi^fiiii Icomt^ ir^n!^ Inr cra^iinn:it* cinv fTfio^. 




i 



Picture XVI: MS Lund, fol. 22^ 
beast, crowned, with human face, bearded: om. CDFM, om. beard PV [note beast in 
picture fifteen F]. 



Vaticinium XVI 

Corona superbie/ 

Cor eius ab humano commutetur, et cor fere detur ei et septem tem- 
pora mutentur super eum. 



1-3. Caption and text: Only NP have caption or text. 
2-3. Cor . . . eum: Dan. 4: 13. 



Notes to the Edition 

Vaticinium I 

a. Prophecy number one, text and image: Both the D and F scribes identify 
this pope as Nicholas III (1277-1280); the L illuminator includes the 
identification, "Nicholas tercius," within the frame of the image. 
Pipini, writing some time before 1317 (for date, see Lemer, "On the 
Origins," 620, n. 21), identifies the first pope of the prophecies as 
Nicholas III, Giovanni Gaetani Orsini {Chronicon, Cap. XX, cols. 724- 
725). As the commentary on the cardinal prophecies makes clear, the 
earliest version of the prophecies referred to Giovanni Gaetani Orsini 
as the first of five Orsini cardinals (see Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 
and Millet and Rigaux, "Aux origines," above). See also Dante, Infer- 
no, 19: 61-120, in particular 69-72, as Nicholas III speaks, "... know 
that I was vested with the great mantle; and I was truly a son of the 
she-bear, so eager to advance the cubs that up there I pursued my 
gains ..." Nicholas III made nine new cardinals, among them three 
relatives: Latino Malabranca, a nephew; Giordano Orsini, a brother; 
and James Colonna, a cousin. MS Yale, Marston 225 (M) shows three 
dogs instead of three bears, possibly a reference to dogs as persecutors 
of Christ (cf Ps. 21:17); for a discussion of variants in the content of 
the pictures, here as elsewhere, see above, "Picture Tradition." For a 
detailed description of the miniatures in each manuscript, see above, 
"Descriptions of Manuscripts." 

In general, according to textual evidence, the nine MSS fall into 
two groups, ACD-F, which preserve the eariier of the versions, and 
LMNPV, which preserve a somewhat later version. The evidence of 
the captions provides the only substantial exception. F and M omit 
captions entirely; A and C record the short form (line one) as does the 
commentary on the cardinal prophecies; DLNPV record the long form 
(lines one and two combined). The Leo Oracles (Lambecius edition 
printed in Migne) have short captions but not always identical to those 
in A and C. Pipini does not quote all of the captions, long or short, 
but does include the long caption, for example, for prophecy number 



190 NOTES TO THE EDITION 

five, the one traditionally identified with Celestine V. Given the evi- 
dence of D, one must assume the longer form of the caption evolved 
very early on, certainly before 1317, at least for those long captions 
recorded by Pipini. 

b. Given the testimony of the commentary on the cardinal prophecies 
(1:8), ^/iM5 must have been the earliest reading, but curiously it is re- 
tained only by F and M. 

c. ftlios: I have chosen ^/i05, ACDF's reading rather than oculos, LMNP's 
reading (V omits) on the basis of sense. On the basis of textual evi- 
dence alone, either reading is defensible. 

d. The commentary on the cardinal prophecies (Vat. lat. 3819) quotes 
"lugendum in altitudinem ceU." The Arras copy (BibHotheque Muni- 
cipale MS 171, fol. 81*^) reads latitudinem for altitudinem. 

e. The text to this point is not found in the Lambecius version of the 
Leo Oracles (although a variation is found in the sixteenth-century 
Barocci MS) and thus can be presumed to be an addition by the 
formulator of the Genus nequam prophecies with particular reference to 
Nicholas III. See also Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 51-52, 98-99, on 
this point. 

f LPV read misera nequissima, perhaps for added emphasis; the words 
have slightly different connotations. 

g. Imitata: A case could be made as well for M's reading of immutata. No 
clear reading emerges from FLNPV. 

h. N's reading, convertis, unique to it, makes good sense, but ACDFLM- 
PV read converti. Part one of the Regiselmo printed version (Vaticinium 
XVI) reads "Multos decipies nequissime sub aliena pelle immutata en- 
im visum fallacem convertis in terra abscondens. ..." Version two in 
this printed edition reads "Multos decipis misera, nequissima sub aliena 
pelle unita: nam falcem convertis intra, abscondis. . . . ," with the 
variant, "Falcem converte intra, absconde. ..." recorded in the mar- 
gin. The commentary on the cardinal prophecies makes no reference 
to this sentence, quoting only "multos decipis nequissima sub aliena 
pelle," picking up again at "abscondis deceptionem inimicos facien- 
tem" (1:24, 27). 

i. The commentary on the cardinal prophecies reads iustos for istos, 

j. Christus: A's scribe either knew both versions tempus/ Christus or made 
an addition or interpolation. CD and the Lambecius edition of the Leo 
Oracles have tempus; A has tempus with superscription alias Christus. 
See also above, "Archetype and Copy Text: Text and Image," 23, and 
Daneu Lattanzi, " 'Vaticinia Pontificum'," 782, n. 2. 



NOTES TO THE EDITION 191 

k. CD prophecy number one ends with this paragraph, apparently in 
error; yet note the Regiselmo printed edition of 1589 {Vaticinium 
XVI) prints two version of unit one, the first ending with "Multos 
decipies nequissime sub aliena pelle immutata enim visum fallacem 
convertis in terra abscondens, et deceptionem in multis faciens." The 
second version in the Regiselmo edition prints a slightly different 
version of the first and continues with "sic autem bene manes" to the 
end. Note also that Leo Oracle one is in two distinct parts and that the 
last reference to prophecy one in the cardinal or Orsini commentary 
is to the preceding sentence. 

1. lines 12-13: M's reading here is unique and makes clear sense: "et 
man us expandis ut servos Domini pervertas" (emphasis mine). 

m. Cf Ps. 44 (45) 2: "Eructavit cor meum verbum bonum." 

Vaticinium II 

a. Prophecy number two, text and image: The F scribe, the L illuminator, 
and Pipini {Chronicon, Cap. XXI, cols. 725-727) identify this pope as 
Martin IV (1281—1285), Simon de Brie. The text of prophecy number 
two roughly corresponds to part two of Leo Oracle one (PG 107:1129 
B) with some rearrangement of lines. On sanguis, see commentary on 
cardinal prophecies 11:33-36 (also Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 56) 
for play on the name of Cardinal Matteo Rosso Orsini. 

The caption in its longer form may well refer to Martin IV's cru- 
sade tax, much of which went to funding Charles of Anjou's efforts to 
hold on to Sicily. On Easter Monday, 1282, in what has come to be 
known as the Sicilian Vespers, the Sicilians of Palermo violently 
attacked their Angevin occupiers. The uprising spread and the contest 
between Charles of Anjou and Peter of Aragon for control of Sicily 
intensified (Steven Runciman, The Sicilian Vespers [Cambridge, 1958], 
201-241). If the winged beast in V and in the Regiselmo edition (Va- 
ticinium XVII) is indeed a griffin (which I think unlikely), the word 
"griffon" referring to "Greek," as the "castle of Mategriffon," there is 
then the possibHty of a reference to Emperor Michael Palaeologus and 
the role he played in this contest. 

b. The reading of the commentary on the cardinal prophecies, se iunxit, 
suggests iunctus rather than vinctus. ANPV read either vinctus (PV) or 
iunctus (AN); Daneu Lattanzi notes vinctus should be tinctus (" 'Vaticinia 
Pontificum'," 782, n. 10); L's reading of Wm stands alone but could be 
related to the victus reading of C and M. 



192 NOTES TO THE EDITION 

c. The commentary on the cardinal prophecies reads "et totus factus est 
niger" (11:40). 

d. Translation: deprived of light by ravens or deprived of light like ravens 
(i.e., according to fable, ravens turned to black in punishment for 
treachery) . 

e. I have chosen in, ACDL's reading, over et, MNPV's reading, for rea- 
sons of syntax; the commentary on the cardinal prophecies omits, run- 
ning the tw^o sentences together. 

f Only A shares the reading metus (in superscript) of the commentary on 
the cardinal prophecies. 



Vaticinium III 

a. Prophecy number three, text and image: The F scribe, L illuminator, and 
Pipini {Chronicon, Cap. XXII, col. 727) identify this pope as Hono- 
rius IV (1285—1287), Giacomo Savelli, as does the commentary on the 
cardinal prophecies, which identifies him as the third cub (see Reh- 
berg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 68; Millet and Rigaux, "Aux origines," 
144). The text of this prophecy corresponds to that of Leo Oracles 
tv^o and three (PG 107:1129 C-1132 A), with considerable rearrange- 
ment of lines. 

The gist of the oracles would seem to be an explanation of the 
opening words, Ambiguum tercium, and the number of emperors who 
will also bear the insignia of the bird bearing a cross. Lines 1—2: It is 
Martin IV who is called an heir of Simon Magus by contemporaries 
not Honorius IV (Nicholas of Bibra, cited in Horace K. Mann, The 
Lives of the Popes in the Middle Ages [London, 1932], vol. 16, 180); 
Honorius IV "shall follow the footsteps" of Martin IV and thus also 
those of Simon Magus. 

b. Et enim avis . . . corniger. F's reading corresponds most closely to the 
image, i.e., a bird with cross, a knight (eques), and a unicorn. The 
second human figure elsewhere is small, hands in a gesture of supplica- 
tion. The commentary on the cardinal prophecies reads "eques et cor- 
niger" (111:62). The repetition here apparently functions as a form of 
elaboration. In all the manuscripts except C and V, corniger is a single 
word. 

c. The sense is unclear, but the word order in LMNPV seems marginally 
better. The commentary on the cardinal prophecies reads "extremus 
numerus in tempore unius prime figure" (111:66). 



NOTES TO THE EDITION 193 

Vaticinium IV 

a. Prophecy number four, text and ima^e: The F scribe, L illuminator, and 
Pipini {Chronicon, XXIII, cols. 727-728) identify this pope as Nicho- 
las IV (1288-1292), the Franciscan Girolamo Masci; the cardinal or 
Orsini commentary identifies the fourth and fifth units with the fourth 
cub, Latino Malabranca (Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 56-57; Millet 
and Rigaux, "Aux origines," 146, 148; also Lemer, "Recent Work," 
152—154). C and D combine texts four and five; in D's case, text five 
begins on a new line and is marked by rubrication. C runs the two 
texts together separated only by the one-word caption Elatio. 

The text of prophecy four is drawn firom Leo Oracles four and five 
(PG 107:1132 C-1133 AB) with the addition of several words and 
considerable rearrangement of lines, although unit five is drawn exclu- 
sively from Leo Oracle four. 

b. F's reading, on the basis of sense; neither reading collis (ACDL) nor 
callus (MNPV) makes particular sense. The commentary on the cardi- 
nal prophecies also reads collateralis. 

c. la M.: originally at least for Latino Malabranca (commentary on the 
cardinal prophecies IV:94— 95); the commentary cites only la., continu- 
ing O miserum. . . . (Rehberg, " 'Kardinalsorakel'," 110). 

Vaticinium V 

a. Prophecy number five, text and image: The F scribe, L illuminator, and 
Pipini {Chronicon, Cap. XL, col. 736) identify this figure as Celes- 
tine V (5 July— 13 Dec. 1294), Pietro del Morrone. Pipini notes. his 
canonization in 1313 under Clement V. The text of this prophecy is 
drawn from Leo Oracle four (PG 107:1132 C-1133 A) with some 
rearrangement. 

b. The long form of the caption shows considerable variation in syntax 
and in spelling; analysis of textual evidence provides no clear conclu- 
sions. DL have gule for castrimargie; DuCange gives gulae concupiscentia 
for castrimargia. Pipini omits the words et ypocrisorum destructor, but cites 
these same words as the caption in the description of Boniface VIII 
(Chronicon, Cap. XLII, col. 741). 

c. Or resuscitabo; textual evidence is divided here. I chose resuscitabis to 
parallel the imperative vade in the next line, but it is clear there is 
considerable shifting back and forth between the grammatical points of 
view "I" and "you." No witness is entirely consistent. 



194 NOTES TO THE EDITION 

Vaticinium VI 

a. Prophecy number six, text and image: The F scribe (although the identifi- 
cation has been partially erased), L illuminator, and Pipini {Chronicon, 
Cap. XLII, col. 741) identify this pope as Boniface VIII (1294-1303), 
Benedetto Caetani of the Orsini family. Rehberg (" 'Kardinalsorakel'," 
59-61) and Millet and Rigaux ("Aux origines," 144-145) argue that 
the commentary on the cardinal prophecies refers to Giordano Orsini 
(the fifth cub); Lemer ("Recent Work," 153-154) suggests this cub 
might be Napoleone Orsini. 

The caption makes equal sense if lines one and two are run togeth- 
er in a sentence; ypocrisis then is genitive not nominative case. I have 
arranged the captions on the page as I have in order to give a clear 
distinction between the short and the longer forms. Sometimes the 
longer form of the caption is simply added to the short; in other in- 
stances a new sentence is formed incorporating both the long and 
short forms. As noted above, Pipini gives a positive form of the cap- 
tion. Otherwise it is the combination of caption, and possibly, icon- 
ography which points to negative quaUties of Boniface VIII, not the 
text itself, which follows fairly closely, with some rearrangement of 
lines, that in Leo Oracle six (PG 107:1133 B). 

b. Quintum, I am assuming, refers to genus of prophecy one. F's reading 
qui [n] turn ftlium must be close to the archetype. 

c. Thus, the sense of the Une is "the end of the she-bear feeding on 
bears." Other readings are possible since the textual evidence is divid- 
ed between finis 3indfiliis/filii and ursos and ursa/urse. The commentary 
on the cardinal prophecies (VI: 120-1 22) suggests that this "fifth son of 
the bear" is at odds with the other "sons" and is "a fiiend to the 
friends of the Church." 

d. Perfect participle, from morior, supported by A's reading. CD has 
mortuas changing the sense of the phrase, i.e., mortuas potencias. The 
commentary on the cardinal prophecies reads "eo mortuo relinquet 
potentias" (VI:126-127). 

e. Or alternatively relinquens, then changing the period after potencias to 
a comma. 

f "Sicut enim ymbrem bene invenies potencias": LesHe S. B. MacCouU 
suggests this sentence may be an allusion to Job 37:6. She notes there 
is also perhaps an underlying reminiscence of the story of Gideon's 
fleece in Judges 6 which is traditionally interpreted messianically, as a 
prophecy of the virginal conception of Christ. Also cf Deut. 32:2. I 
am indebted to her for these references. 



NOTES TO THE EDITION 195 

Vaticinium vn 

a. Prophecy number seven, text and image: The F scribe (although identifica- 
tion has been partially erased), L illuminator, and Pipini (Chronicon, 
Cap. XLVIII, cols. 745-757) identify this pope as Benedict XI (1303- 
1304), Niccolo Boccasino. In unit six it is the caption which points to 
Boniface VIII rather than the text. Caption: Pipini omits the caption 
entirely. Balax: for Balac or Balak (cf Numbers, 22, 23, 24) and by 
extension Belial, i.e., "sons of iniquity" {ftlii Belial in Deut. 13:31, 
Judg. 19:22). Benedict XI was closely identified with his predecessor 
Boniface VIII, both popes supported by the Orsini rather than the 
Colonna families. Although Benedict pardoned all the French involved 
in Boniface VIII's capture at Anagni, with the exception of Nogaret, 
his encyclical of 6 November 1303 condemned those who participated 
in this uprising, calling them "sons of iniquity" {Registres de Benott XI, 
ed. C. A. Grandjean [Paris, 1885], fasc. 3, #1099, 656-657, here 656). 

b. If ante utrasque coronas, as M reads, the sense would be somewhat dif- 
ferent. 



Vaticinium vni 

a. Prophecy number eight, text and image: Only the L illuminator identifies 
this prophecy with Clement V (1305-1314). F has the initials Qtj , 

• G . (M? V? for roman numeral V?) below the text and above the 
cityscape. 

The tone if not the language of this prophecy is similar to the 
lamentations of the prophet Jeremiah over the desolation of Jerusalem 
(Lamentations 1). The text follows closely that of Leo Oracle eight 
(PG 107:1136 AB), with some rearrangement of lines. The caption 
would seem to point to both the political disorder in Rome after 
Benedict's death and the hope for eventual renewal of the papacy in 
Rome. 

b. This phrase, circa parvum tempus, might begin the next sentence. 

c. Lines 11-14: Similar in tone to the language in Rom. 1:19, Luke 
18:11, Apoc. 21:8. 

Vaticinium IX 

a. Prophecy number nine, text and image: Although Pipini {Chronicon, Cap. 
XLVIIII, cols. 751-752) identifies this pope as Clement V (1305- 
1314), Bertrand de Got, there is little either in text or caption which 



196 N OTES TO THE EDITION 

points in particular to Clement. Clement was guilty of nepotism, and 
simony, rather than ceasing, would seem to have flourished (G. Mol- 
lat, The Popes at Avignon 1305-1378 [London, 1949], 3-8). The text 
follows closely that of Leo Oracle nine (PG 107:1136 BC) with some 
alterations in the sentence beginning on line four of the pope prophe- 
cy text and the addition of the word voluptiones. Clement V was a sick 
man but there were, undoubtedly unfounded, rumors of voluptuous 
living (see the references to Villani and Mussato cited in MoUat, Popes 
at Avignon, 6, n. 2). 

For the first line of the caption, only NP, each dependent on a 
common exemplar, give Occisio rather than Bona gratia. L reads Occasio 
(see Millet and Rigaux, "Aux origines," 138). 

Vaticinium X 

a. Prophecy number ten, text and image: The text is a lament for the city of 
Rome, although of course "the city of seven hills," Hne three, could 
refer as well to Constantinople, as it must have done in the corres- 
ponding Leo Oracles. (For similar language see Apoc. 18:2,10; 14:8; 
see also biblical references cited in the notes to prophecy 8.) V, alone 
of the early manuscripts, adds a text from Dan. 8:14: referring to the 
length of tribulations under the Antichrist: "Usque ad vesperam et 
mane, dies duo, millia trecenti; et miniahitur sacrificium" (emphasis mine). 
For the italicized words Daniel reads "mundabitur sanctuarium." 

Prophecy ten corresponds to Leo Oracles ten and eleven (PG 107: 
1136 D-1137 A) with the additions of the abbreviations in lines six 
and ten. The tone of the caption is at variance with that of the text, 
unless what is meant is that desolation must precede renewal as in 
Apocalypse 18. On the caption, see Millet and Rigaux, "Aux ori- 
gines," 138. 

b. FLN's reading of quando for quin, which makes good sense, suggests 
different punctuation. 

c. Leo Oracle ten refers to the "20th letter," but the "Oraculorum Le- 
onis Expositio" which follows the text glosses the 20th letter as Tau 
(the 20th letter if gamma and digamma are counted as separate letters), 
noting that this letter "est symbologica figura sanctissimae crucis" (PG 
107:1165 B). Cf Alexander, Byzantine Apocalyptic Tradition, 133, 152. 
The number "20" in Greek is represented by K; the Regiselmo edi- 
tion ( Vaticinium XXV) reads K, noting the alternative reading R. It is 
difficult to make absolute distinctions between K and R in the MSS, 



NOTES TO THE EDITION 197 

but given the length of the ascenders, CD and P have K. See Dan. 
5:5, 24-25 for the handwriting on the wall. A reviewer of this book 
for MRTS notes that the 20th letter of the Latin alphabet is X and 
that "... in the De seminibus scripturarum X is the century during which 
Christ . . . will reform the corrupt church. This century would begin 
about 1248 and run to 1348. The De seminibus was known to be used 
by both Roger Bacon and Arnau de Villanova who wrote a commen- 
tary about it." The letter does not seem to be an X in any of the MSS, 
but this reader's suggestion that the De seminibus might stand behind 
"this curious vaticinium" is an intriguing one. 

d. Either manibus or menibus makes sense. The Leo Oracle reads "wall"; 
the reader noted above prefers manibus; the Regiselmo edition gives 
menibus. 

e. As the textual notes show, there is a good deal of variation in this 
series of abbreviations; no two witnesses agree. I chose N's to print, 
for, relatively speaking, N's abbreviations were easier to read. Textual 
evidence makes the Qui incipit a likely reading rather than a certainty. 

f I separated these last two sentences because of general textual agree- 
ment. Only V has a variant meaning, incides, but it is one which makes 
good sense. 

g. Leo Oracle eleven reads "his name is John (/o.)' (PG 107:1137 A). 

Vaticinium XI 

a. Prophecy number eleven, text and image: The text follows closely that of 
the last two lines of Leo Oracle eleven and all of Oracle twelve (PG 
107:1137 A— 1138 B). Of all the attributes an angelic pope might pos- 
sess, it is worth noting that the caption calls attention to a redistri- 
bution of money. Thesaurus can also mean "treasury of prayers," but 
here that seems less likely. Note also the connection to caption num- 
ber nine, "Simony will cease." As was also the case in captions five 
and ten, DL have an unusual correspondence, adding to the word 
"treasury," "of Constantine." The F scribe simply describes this pope 
as "papa nudus." In a much later manuscript. Vat. lat. 3816 (1448), the 
scribe adds a gloss "This is the Angelic Pope according to Joachim." 

b. revelabitur virtus: the reading of DLM. Only C's reading, revelabitur 
unctus, corresponds to the reading in Leo Oracle eleven (PG 107:1138 
A); the Regiselmo printed edition gives unctus with the alternate read- 
ing virtus. An early manuscript of the Liber de Flore reads virtus (see 
above, "Relation of Manuscripts," 30-31 and n. 6); a fourteenth-cen- 



198 NOTES TO THE EDITION 

tury commentary by one "Rabanus" reads "Et revelabitur unctus a 
deo. ..." (Carpentras, Bibliotheque Imguimbertine, MS 340, fol. 13^. 
It is curious there should be such variation here, even if the differ- 
ences among and between these four MSS (CDFM), while affecting 
sense, do not alter the larger meaning. The variations in NPV are all 
related, affect sense, and change the meaning somewhat. Except for F 
and P's readings, I do not see these variants as errors, but rather 
attempts to make the prophecy more specific or relevant. I suggest the 
following chronology: unctus was the archetype's reading, reflected in 
C, uirtus became the vulgate reading, as reflected in DL, changed I 
would argue because the scribe wanted to distinguish between king 
and pope (both are of course anointed, but anointing is a sign of legiti- 
macy for the king; see I Sam. 16:12,13, as the Lord directs Samuel to 
anoint David); the readings of NPV evolved as scribes attempted to 
differentiate the function and particular character of the angelic pope; 
unctus and virtus both survived as readings in late fourteenth and fif- 
teenth-century versions (the Carpentras MS quoted above has unctus in 
the commentary, virtus in the text, Vatican Library, MS Vat. lat. 3816 
[1448] reads unctus, Vatican Library, MS Vat. lat. 3818 [1410-1415] 
reads virtus). 

c. menachim: in the Leo Oracle this sentence is preceded by "his name is 
John [/o]" (cf Luke 1:63 of John the Baptist, the forerunner of 
Christ); menachim is also a Jewish messianic name that appears in the 
Talmud. 

d. habitas: hahitans is an equally plausible reading and makes for fewer 
shifts in point of view. McGinn suggests that the next few lines begin- 
ning with the verb veni are the words of the angelic pope, returning to 
"you" in the last line (vade) {Visions of the End, 195, n. 52). This often 
confusing shift in grammatical point, of view is characteristic of the 
biblical prophetic books, as the Lord speaks through the prophet, and 
as the prophet speaks in his own voice. 

e. Although only CD read mortuus, I have chosen this reading on the 
basis of sense. 

f FLP have a paragraph sign before item. 

g. vade in inferiora terre: cf unit five, Unes eight-nine. 

Vaticinium XII 

a. Prophecy number twelve, text and image: The text of the prophecy, based 
closely on that of Leo Oracle thirteen (PG 107:1137 BC) reinforces 



NOTES TO THE EDITION 199 

the emphasis of the images, suggesting both death and ascension, and 
the summoning of. this "dead" figure to Hfe (see above, "Picture 
Tradition"). In addition, the "Cento of the True Emperor," a Latin 
version of which is found in the Yale manuscript immediately folio v^- 
ing the Genus nequam prophecies, contains similar language, in both 
instances describing a messianic figure, a savior-emperor. It is tempting 
to see in the series of images and text, eleven through fifteen, at least 
in the eariiest version, a narrative describing the calling forth of an 
"angelic pope," his being crowned by an angel, his reign, and its end 
(see Fleming, "Metaphors of Apocalypse," 136-137). It is clear, how- 
ever, that in the Liber de Flore, and later, for Hugh of Novocastro, that 
units eleven through fifteen were read as a series of popes, the angelic 
pope and his three holy successors, and that prophecy twelve was read 
as a continution of prophecy eleven, describing the angeHc pope (see 
McGinn, " 'Pastor Angelicus'," 239-246; Reeves, Injluence of Prophecy , 
325-331, 242-245, 370-372, 406). 

Vaticinium XIII 

a. Prophecy number thirteen, text and image: The text corresponds quite 
closely to that in Leo Oracle fourteen (PG 107:1140 A). 

b. CD's reading on the basis of tense; later manuscripts read introibit rather 
than the introit of FLMPV (MS Vat. lat. 3816 [1448]). 

c. Note the allusions to the language of prophecy eleven, although the 
first sentence of this text is sufficiently ambiguous as to make it impos- 
sible to say with certainty whether the same or a different pope is 
being indicated. The F scribe is no help: although he adds at the end 
of this text the phrase "papa crowned by an angel," at the end of the 
next text he adds "papa with two angels," again not making it clear 
whether the "papa" is one and the same person. 

Vaticinium XIV 

a. Prophecy number fourteen, text and image: The text is based on that of 
Leo Oracle fifteen (PG 107:1140 AB) with some confusion over the 
astrological reference in lines five-seven. The sense of line two of the 
caption is puzzling, as is the syntax. 

b. The astrological reference in lines five-seven is garbled in all witnesses. 

c. Except for L which omits it, planta is a consistent reading but makes 
no sense. 



200 NOTES TO THE EDITION ^__ 

Vaticinium XVI 

a. Prophecy number sixteen, text and image: Daneu Lattanzi, " *Vaticinia Pon- 
tificum'," 792, n. 6, calls attention to the similarity to the Tiburtine 
sibyl: " 'Hie (Antichristus) erit fiHus perditionis et caput superbiae'. " 



Index 



Abimelech, 64n 

Acre, faU of, 102 

Albert the Great, 47, 48n 

Alexander VI, 81 

Alexander the Minorite, 87 

angelic pope 

absent from Cambridge, Corpus 
Chnsti CoUege, MS 404 
(Henry of Kirkestede), 47-48 
convergence with last world em- 
peror, 15 
Genus nequam prophecies, 1 
identified as Celestine V, 37-38, 

47, 60 
Horoscopus, 3, 3n 
iconography, 37—38, 60, 63 
L/7)c//m5 of Telesphorus, 114 
Liber de Flore, 4, 114 
prophecy XI, 30, 30n, 63, 197-198 
prophecy XII, 199 
Yale, University Library, T. E. 
Marston MS 225, 15 
angelic series, 21, 23, 72, 199. See also 

angelic pope 
"Anonymous Paraphrase," 15, 70, 
70n. See abo "Cento of the 
True Emperor" 
Anselm, Bishop of Marsico, 6n 
Antichrist 

Ascende calve prophecies, 5 
Cambridge, Corpus Christi Col- 
lege, MS 404 (Henry of Kirke- 
stede), 45, 48 



Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, 
MS 1222B, 36, 60, 62, 111-112 

iconography, 36, 60, 62, 63, 67, 
111-114 

illustrated Apocalypses, 48n, 60 

Lunel, Bibliotheque de Louis Me- 
dard a la Bibliotheque Munici- 
pal, MS 7, 63, 67 

predictions of its coming, 38, 38n, 
66n, 73, 113-114, 114n 

three-headed, 64n 

Tibertine sibyl, 82n, 200 

Vatican Library, MS Vat. lat. 3819, 
88-89, 196 
Apocalypse, 5, 48, 105, 109 

iUustrated, 48n, 60, 112-113 
apotheosis, 109n, 110 
Arnaude de Nogarede, 3, 64n 
Arnold of Villanova (or, Amau de), 

3n, 75, 197 
Ascende calve prophecies 

combined with Genus nequam pro- 
phecies, 5-6, 18 

fragment m Cambridge, Corpus 
Christi CoUege, MS 404, 44, 
46, 46n, 48 

history of, 5-6, 5n 

image of prisoner of Boniface VIII, 
104n 

reference to Apocalypse, 48n 

Bacon, Roger, 197 
Bavaria, 71, 74 



202 



INDEX 



Benedict XI 

Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, 
MS 1222B, 14. 57, 58, 60, 195 
Genus nequam prophecies, 1, In 
iconography, 68, 105, 195 
bestiary, 5 In, 52, 52n, 53n 
Boccasino, NiccoI6. See Benedict XI 
Boniface VIII 

Ascende calve prophecies, 104n 
Celestine V, 21, 34, 37n, 38n 

imprisonment of, 83n, 103-104 
controversy with Philip the Fair, 

37, 78, 79 
Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, 

MS 1222B, 58, 194 
Genus nequam prophecies, 1, 4, 

193-195 
iconography, 68, 104 
Yale, University Librar>% T. E. 
Marston MS 225, 72 
Boniface XI, 4 
Brie, Simon de. See Martin IV 

Caetani, Benedetto. See Boniface VIII 

Calixtus III, 81 

"Cardinal Commentary," 19n. See 
also commentary on the cardi- 
nal prophecies and Orsini com- 
mentary 

cardinal oracle(s), 20, 29, 96n. See also 
cardinal prophecies 

cardinal prophecies, 6-9, 15n, 52n, 
60n. See also cardinal oracle(s) 
and commentary on the cardi- 
nal prophecies and Orsini com- 
mentary 

Celestine V 

angeUc pope, 37-38, 47, 60, 60n 
canonization, 79, 193 
commentary on the cardinal pro- 
phecies, 104 



Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, 
MS 1222B, 34, 58n, 60, 193 

Genus nequam prophecies, 1 

iconography 

changes over time, 38, 95 
figure with sickle and rose, 34, 
42, 47, 48, 68 

identification by Henry of Kirke- 
stede, 47-48 

omitted from unit five in manu- 
scripts A-CD, 21-23, 94 

Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS 
Douce 88, 21-23, 54-55 

prophecy V, 35, 37n, 60, 60n, 
64n, 103n, 190, 193 

Latino Malabranca, 103 

Vatican Library, MS Vat. lat. 3819, 
90 

Yale, University Library, T. E. 
Marston MS 225, 72-73 

See also Boniface VIII and Celes- 
tine V 
"Cento of the True Emperor," 15, 

30, 70-72, 70n, 75, 199 
Charles of Anjou (Charles I, King of 

Sicily), 191 
Charles V, 102 
Charles d'Orl6ans, 80 
Choniates, Nicetas, 5 
Clement V 

canonized Celestine V, 193 

death, 79 

"Exivi de paradiso," 97, 97n 

Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, 
MS 1222B, 14, 57-59, 60n 

Francesco Pipini, 2, 106, 195 

iconography, 89n 

Monreale, Biblioteca Comunale, 
MS XXV.F.17, 83n 

Lunel, BiWiotheque de Louis Me- 
dard a la Bibliotheque Munici- 



INDEX 



203 



pale, MS 7, 65, 68, 106n, 195 
prophecy VIII, 195 
prophecy IX, 106, 195 
Vatican Library, MS Vat. lat. 3819, 

89 
Clement VI, 44, 48 
Colonna 

Giovanni, 90, 90n 
James, 189 
Columbinus Prophecy, 78n, 79 
commentary on the cardinal pro- 
phecies 
Cambridge, Corpus Christi Col- 
lege, MS 404, 47n, 49 
captions, lOn, 24n, 27n, 189 
controversy surrounding papacies of 

Celestine V and Boniface VIII, 

37n 
description of, 7-8, 8n, 32n, 96n, 

105n 
Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, 

MS 1222B, 58 
iconographic evidence, 31-35, 96, 

99-101, 104 
interpretation of, 13n 
omissions, 20n, 23, 29, 105 
Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS 

Douce 88, 53 
prophecy I, 189-191 
prophecy II, 191-192 
prophecy III, 192 
prophecy IV, 193 
prophecy VI, 194 
refers to first recension of Genus 

nequam prophecies, 16, 19-20, 

21n-22n 
shows relationships between early 

manuscripts (A-CD), 22, 28, 31 
usage in this edition, 25, 31 
Vatican Library, MS Vat. lat. 3819, 

88-89 



Vatican Library, MS Vat. lat. 3822, 
41 
Comnenus, Andronicus I, 103n 
Cossa, Baldassare, 104n 
Cotton, Bartholomew, 100 
Council of Vienne, 37, 37n, 66n, 79 
Curti, Raimond, 3 
Cyril (the Carmelite), 3. See Oraculum 

Cyrilli and Telesphorus' Lihellus on 

Dante (Alighieri), 95, 189 
Dauphine, 102 
Delicieux, Bernard, 64n 

owned "papalarius," 9, 66, 83n, 

107, 107n 
witness of pope prophecies, 2, 3, 
3n, 19n, 24 

Edward I, 102 

"Exiit qui seminat," 97-98, 97n 

Fiore, Joachim of See Joachim of 

Fiore 
Franciscans, Italian Spirituals 
adversaries, 75n 
debate with papacy over poverty 

and rule, 97, 98n 
discourse, 97, 97n 
iconography, 60 
linked to pope prophecies, 1, 4-6, 

9, 21 
patrons, 65n, 74, 74n 
resonance, 60, 60n, 95 
views on Celestine V, 37—38, 37n, 

60, 60n 

Gentile of Foligno, 3, 3n, 19n 
Giochimo, Abate. See Joachim of 

Fiore 
Got, Bertrand de. See Clement V 
Gregorius, 108, 108n 



204 



INDEX 



Gregory IX, 4, 97n 
Gregory XI, 45, 48 

Henry de Carreto, 65n 
Henry of Kirkestede, 2 In, 

compilation of Cambridge, Corpus 
Christi CoUege, MS 404, 44- 
45 
Hildegard of Bingen, 3, 46, 66n 
anti-mendicant propaganda, 66, 

66n 
pseudo-Hildegard prophecy, 39, 
63, 66, 111 
Honorius IV, 1, 21n, 33, 100, 192 

iconography, 67, 99, 103n 
Horoscopus, 3, 19n 
commentary on, 3 
source for Yale, University Library, 
T. E. Marston MS 225, 75 
Hugh of Novocastro 

identifies picture eleven as "papa 

nudus," 58, 108n 
reads last five prophecies as series 

of popes, 36n, 199 
refers to later manuscripts of Genus 

nequam prophecies, 19n 
describes last pope setting down his 

tiara, 114n 
witness of pope prophecies, 2, 2n 

Innocent VI, 57 

Jean de France, Due de Berry, 80, 

113 
Joachim, Abbot of S. Giovanni in 
Fiore 
Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, 
MS 1222B, ascribed to Abate 
Giochimo (Joachim), 57 
Lunel, Bibliotheque de Louis Me- 
dard a la Bibliotheque Munici- 



pale, MS 7, 39n, 63, 63n, 65n 
pope prophecies erroneously attrib- 
uted to, 1-4, 45, 46, 80 
prophecies of angeUc pope, 108, 

197 
unicorn, 100 
"Joachim super Apocalipsim," 87n 
Joachite anthologies, 70 
Joachite prophecies. See Joachim of 

Fiore 
Joachite texts, 65n, 66, 111, 113n 
Job, 108, 108n 
John (King) of Bohemia, 90 
John XXII 

confrontation with Franciscan or- 
der, 97-98, 98n 
elected pope, 79 
hsted in Vatican Library, MS Vat. 

lat. 3819, 7, 89-91 
papal bulls, 75 

"Quia nonnunquam," 97n, 98 
"Quia vir reprobus," 98 
Yale, University Library, T. E. 
Marston MS 225, contempo- 
rary with pontificate of, 72, 74 

last world emperor, 15 
Leo Oracles 
. "Anonymous Paraphrase," or 
"Cento of the True Emperor," 
70-71, 70n 

captions, 24, 53 

comparison with Regiselmo edi- 
tion, 22-23 

editions of, 5n, 18n, 102n 

Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, 
MS 1222B, 36, 59 

Greek texts, 15, 95 

iconography, 95-110 

influence on Cambridge, Corpus 
Christi College, MS 404, and 



INDEX 



205 



Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS 
Douce 88, 20, 20n, 47n, 49, 
55, 96 

inspiration for cardinal prophecies, 
8, 19 

interpretation of, 103n 

items absent from Leo Oracles, 29, 
32n, 41, 42. 83, 113 

prophecy I, 95, 189-191 

prophecy II, 98, 191 

prophecy III, 99-100, 192 

prophecy IV, 101, 193 

prophecy V, 33, 103, 193 

prophecy VI, 194 

prophecy VII, 105 

prophecy IX, 196 

prophecy X, 106, 106n-107n, 
196-197 

prophecy XI, 30, 107-108, 197- 
198 

prophecy XII, 109, 198 

prophecy XIII, 110, 199 

prophecy XIV, 199 

source for Genus nequam prophe- 
cies, 5, 6, 9, 11, 13, 18, 34-35 

Yale, University Library, T. E. 
Marston MS 225, 15, 70-72 
Libellus of Telesphorus, 38n, 73, 73n, 

88, 113-114, 114n 
Liber de Flore 

also known as Liber de Flore sive de 
summis pontificibus, 3—4 

captions, 53 

description of, 3-4 

Herbert Grundmann's partial edi- 
tion of, 4n, 38n 

makes no reference to images in 
Genus nequam prophecies, lOn 

prophecies of Last Things and 
Antichrist, 38n, 73, 73n, 113- 
114, 114n, 199 



relation to later manuscripts of Ge- 
nus nequam prophecies, 19n, 
30, 30n, 31, 197 
source for Yale, University Library, 
T. E. Marston MS 225, 75 

Liber de maj^nis tribulationibus et de statu 
ecclesiae, 4n 

Liber Ostensor. See Roquetaillade, John 
of 

Louis (IV) of Bavaria, 72n, 74-75, 
74n, 75n, 98 

Louis XII, 80 

Malabranca, Latino, 28-29, 33, 96n, 
189, 193 

in iconography, 101, 103, 103n 
Mandeville's Travels, 113 
Martin IV, 1, 10, 21n, 97, 191 

heir of Simon Magus, 192 

in iconography, 67, 98, 99 

"man of blood," 4 
Masci, Girolamo. See Nicholas IV 
Meriin, 43, 43n 
Michael of Cesena, 75n, 98 
Morrone, Pietro del. See Celestine V 

Nebuchadnezzar, 113, 113n 
Nicholas of Bibra, 192 
Nicholas III 

beginning of Ascende calve prophe- 
cies, 5 

beginning of Genus nequam pro- 
phecies, 1, 2, 4, 10, 46 

beginning of the Horoscopus, 3 

commentary on the cardinal pro- 
phecies, 7, 20, 96n 

elected by Orsini party, 32, 100 

iconography, 65 

bear symbohsm, 74, 95-96, 105 

dogs. 74, 98 

one of five bear cubs, 2 In, 32, 32n 



206 



INDEX 



pope with bears, 53, 63, 67 
identified as "Principium malo- 

rum" in the Liber de Flore, 4 
made Latino Malabranca a cardinal, 

33, 189 
papal bulls, 75 

"Exiit qui seminat," 97, 97n 
prophecy I, 53, 189, 190 
Nicholas IV, 1, 7, 29, 47, 193 

iconography, 67, 102 
Nicholas V, 90 
Ninevah, 82, 88, 111 
Nogaret, 79, 195 

Oraculum Cyrilli, 87, 90 
Orsini commentary, 8, 19n, 41, 49, 
193. See also commentary on 
the cardinal prophecies 
Orsini 
Giordano 

cow symbolism, 105 
fifth bear cub, 34, 96n, 104, 194 
made a cardinal by Nicholas 
III, 189 
Giovanni Gaetano. See Nicholas III 
Matteo Rossi, 11, 21n, 32, 96n, 191 
Napoleone, 194 

Palaeologus, Emperor Michael, 191 

'Pastor Angelicus,' 4n 

Peter of Aragon, 191 

Phihp IV the Fair, 37, 78, 79, 89, 102 

Phihp VI, 102 

Philip of Majorca, 74 

Physiologus, 100 

Pierre des Vaux-de-Cemay, 78, 78n 

Pierre d'Etampes, 78-79 

Pipini, Francescon {Chronicon) 

references to images in the Genus 

nequam prophecies, 10—11, 

lOn, 31, 31n 



prophecy I, 96, 189, 190 

prophecy II, 99, 191 

prophecy III, 192 

prophecy IV, 101, lOln, 193 

prophecy V, 35, 103, 193 

prophecy VI, 104, 194 

prophecy VII, 105, 195 

prophecy VIII, 106 

prophecy IX, 195 
references to the Genus nequam 
prophecies, 2, 2n, 19n, 24, 
53 
propaganda, anti-mendicant, 66 
"Prophecie Joachim." See Joachim of 

Fiore 
pseudo-Hildegard. See Hildegard, 

pseudo-Hildegard prophecies 
Pseudo-Methodian, 72 

"Quia nonnunquam," 97n, 98 
"Quia vir reprobus," 98 

Rabanus Anglicus, 3, 198 
Regiselmo, Pasqualino 

comparison with Leo Oracles, 22- 

23 
edition of pope prophecies, 5n-6n, 
30n 
' iconography, 94, 102 
Monreale, Biblioteca Comunale, 

MSXXV.F.17, 81, 83 
prophecy I, 190, 191 
prophecy X, 196 
prophecy XI, 197 
Robert of Naples, 74 
Roquetaillade, John of (or, Jean de, 
or, John of Rupescissa) 
refers to later manuscripts of Genus 

nequam, 19n 
quotes "Cento of the True Emper- 
or," 30, 30n, 71 



INDEX 



207 



quotes Liber de Flore and Genus ne- 

quam, 3, 3n 
sources, 75, 75n 
Salimbene, 103 
Savelli, Jacopo (or, Giacomo). See 

Honorius IV 
savior-emperor, 5, 15, 70, 72, 74, 199 
Sicilian Vespers, 191 
Sicily. 70, 191 
history, 72 
Simon Magus, 192 
Spirituals, Franciscan. See Franciscans, 
Italian Spirituals 

Telesphorus (of Cosenza). See Libellus 
of, and Liber de magnis tribula- 
tionibus et de statu ecclesiae 

Templars, 37n, 64n, 79 

Tibertine Oracle (or, Tibertine pro- 
phecy) 70-72, 82n, 200 

Tibertine sibyl. 5ee Tibertine Oracle 



Tractatus de Victoria Christi contra Anti- 
christum. See Hugh of Novo- 
castro 

Tripoli prophecy, 70, 70n, 71 

Urban V, 90n 
Urbanus VI, 45, 47, 48 

Vaticinia de summis pontiftcibus, 4, 6 
Vaticinia sive Prophetiae Abbatis Joachimi 
et Anselmi Episcopi Marsciani. See 
Regiselmo, Pasqualino 
Visio Fratris Johannis 

contains other prophecies of holy 

popes, 30n 
establishes date of first eight pope 
prophecies (1292), 6n, 7, 8n, 
16, 34-35 
makes no reference to the captions, 
53 

WiUiam of St. Amour School, 66n 



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